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Andrews, Mr. Carruthers completed his studies in the university of Edinburgh. I have looked over with interest certificates of propriety of conduct, and diligence and proficiency in study, which he received from the professors of Latin, Greek, Mathematics and Logic, in the universities of St. Andrews and of Edinburgh. From his preserved tickets of admission it appears that he attended, also, Thomas Brown's course of lectures on moral philosophy, and Mr. Jameson's lectures on natural history. These probably went along with theological studies under Dr.

Lawson, mentioned by Dr. John Brown as among his father's most intimate friends, a teacher, for whom Dr. Carruthers had a special regard, and whose instructions would imply a professional aim, and mature responsibility on the part of the student, such as would be more conspicuous by the absence of professorial certificates. Of two cards giving him the freedom of the university library the latest is from twelfth October, , to twelfth October, ; the last date being six months before his marriage. One might wish one's whole life to be written in mementoes of opportunity and of conduct comparable with these.

And one cannot help being struck with the simplicity and solidity of the university discipline. No distraction of mind, no frittering away of energy; but a career for the education of the man. As if to develop and strengthen his original endowment were the best security for good service in any line of effort, to which a man might be called. To appreciate the instruments of thought, namely, the classical types of speech, and the use of symbols in mathematical investigation; to appreciate the laws of thought - the logical, metaphysical and moral outcome of man's experience and meditation through many ages -is not this a purpose broad and high enough to justify Mr.

Froude's eulogium —that, "as a training in self-dependence no better education could be found in these islands. Ecclefechan, church of Fechanus, is much more than a name —. The little St. Andrews was once great, a metropolitan See, reflecting the sovereignty of Rome herself. The castle, the ruined cathedral at one end of the city, the massive antique portal at the other, the tower of St. Rule, the ancient houses, the university dating from early in the fifteenth century, the oldest foundation of the kind in Scotland, —these objects make up a monumental record, illuminated by libraries of religious, historic, poetic and romantic literature,-from the fourth century down.

In a metaphorical sense they are Storied windows richly dight, Casting a dim religious light, through which the inquiring spirit may look into vistas of time, till he feels that he is heir of all ages, and owes a debt to all climes. But had past generations died and made no sign, how should not the genius of a Shakspeare or of a Walter Scott have slumlnered on for lack of outward motive and material? What but the tears or smiles of things can make men weep or laugh? In whatever way the work was wrought a very serious purpose of missionary service was the result of these years of schooling in the mind of Mr.

Carruthers; - and he found in Dumfries a kindred nature, - one who after counting the cost was ready to share his arduous undertaking. He was married to Eliza Sloane of Dumfries, on the thirteenth of April, ; and not far either way from the same date his ordination took place in Edinburgh. For the whole picture of this Russian episode I am indebted to a private journal kept by Mrs. Carruthers referring to Dr. Chalmers' ordination before the completion of his nineteenth year, mentions an old statute of the church of Scotland. This sacred record they have kindly permitted me to examine; and I have read it with the deepest interest.

In its expressions of religious devotion, its recognition of the divine will in the order of events, it is not unlike the " Confessions of St. Augustine," while its simple truthfulness to the experience of the hour, and its keen sense of all the circumstances that made up their situation, as strangers in a strange land, and as teachers of what was of necessity to the people around them a foreign faith, are such as to command unquestioning confidence and to call forth unstinted admiration.

The journal makes no record of the stay in St. Petersburg except in connection with the long voyage down the Volga to Astrakhan and still later by incidental allusions during their residence in the Crimea. My inference is that the year in St. Petersburg was a very full and happy one. There was a British colony to which Mr.

Carruthers acted as chaplain, and which afforded, no doubt, plenty of agreeable society. There was a magnificent capital, the crown of Russian civilization, palaces, churches, art, with the endless spectacle of animated movement and military pageantry in the streets. Petersburg was Russia; and Russia, was what they had to study, and needed to understand. Moreover there was at that time, , much to give them stimulus and hope with respect to their future. Alexander I, then emperor, was a devout man.

Of this fact Dr. Carruthers retained a cordial remembrance to his latest years. I vividly recall the impressive manner with which he once told me of his visiting the Winter Palace, coming into an apartment where the books attracted his attention, - and how the usher filled with awe, and under his breath, remarked: - "It's his prayer-room. Rather encouraging than otherwise were the signs at this time.

It was only the previous year, , that Stephen Grellet, a Frenchman of rank, who came to America in the revolutionary troubles, was successful in mercantile pursuits, and had become withal a leading light in the society of Friends, being on one of his repeated religious visits in Europe, passed six months in Russia. Through prince Galitzin, the minister of religion in the imperial government, this good man was allowed many interviews with the emperor; interviews in which the etiquette of the court was dispensed with, while the majesty of God and the brotherhood of man governed all their conversation.

In the life of Stephen Grellet, by William Guest, there are extracts from his journal and letters, which throw light upon what was doing in a religious way at this time. Stephen Grellet visited the poor and the prisoners, spoke with confidence on behalf of the oppressed to the emperor, who on his part manifested the deepest interest in the reformation of abuses and the advancement of the people in knowledge and virtue. Stephen Grellet went to see Michael the metropolitan of the Greek church; and thence to visit Philaret, an archbishop and vicar of the metropolitan, both inhabiting the monastery called Alexander Nevsky, and had much brotherly and edifying talk with them, explaining at length the peculiar views of the Friends with respect to the church and sacraments.

Of Philaret our Friend says:He is a man of learning, acquainted with most of the ancient and modern oriental languages; but he bears the marks of great humility, and is considered a man of piety and spiritual mindedness. I have heard Dr. Carruthers say very much the same thing of one whom he did not name.

Philaret said: All these forms, ceremonies, and ordinances, that have been introduced into the churches, though they be performed with ever so much sincerity and devotion, can only be as the law was to the Jews, a school-master to bring us to Christ. But perhaps the most noteworthy example of an efficacious Christian ministry mentioned by Stephen Grellet was that of Daniel Wheeler, an English Friend, who, with a great feeling for. It was not, said the Emperor, the cultivation of morasses, nor any outward object that led me to wish to have some of your Friends come and settle here, but a desire that by their genuine piety and uprightness in life and conversation, an example might be set before my people for them to imitate; and your friend Wheeler sets such an example.

A benevolent imperial control, a wise ecclesiastical moderation, such as Stephen Grellet found some assurance of at the summit of society in Russia, was needed as a protection to any spiritual initiative on behalf of the semi-barbarous populations of that vast realm. We know now that the reactionary movement had already set in, and that Alexander was haunted with rumors of revolution and terrors of assassination, which continued to aggravate his personal anxieties and to confuse his more liberal purposes up to the hour of his death in But much of what we know now was then hidden, and men stood ready to enter into fields that seemed at least open to effort, if not very promising as to results.

The Scottish society, however, was the more important and privileged agency. Their first mission was established in Karsass, Asiatic Russia, in They obtained a large grant of land, fourteen thousand acres, and larger liberties than were accorded to their Moravian brethren. Their converts were allowed to " embrace the religion of the colony, and become members of it.

Scotch missionaries redeemed native youths from slavery, schooled them in the Turkish and English languages, taught them the principles of Christianity, and trained them in useful arts. In a printing press was sent out. The New Testament was printed in Turkish, and tracts in the Tartar language. In they extended their operations to Astrakhan and 0 renberg. At Astrakhan a press was set up, which. These books were carried into Persia by merchants trading between that country and Russia.

And in four thousand tracts and five thousand Testaments were issued, which found their way by means of Mohammedan merchants and pilgrims, with some help of Brahmins and Jews, to Bagdad, Persia, Bokhara, and even China. And if we reflect that here was a work of tried methods, honorable record, and definite programme, sustained by the best minds and hearts at home, we shall not be disposed to tax our devoted young pair with an ill-considered enthusiasm in embarking their lives in so benevolent an effort. The year in St. Petersburg was of course, so much strenuous preparation for coming trials.

It gained them a comfortable familiarity with the Russian language. Carruthers in reply to an inquiry I once made of him, said that he did not regard this language as a difficult one; which would infer that he must have acquired it with unusual facility. They got their initiation into the operations of the Bible House, and learned what they had to look for from St. Petersburg as a center of intelligence and base of supplies. They gained friends, and the courage that comes of friendship. It was equally a part of their mission, however, before reaching their contemplated field of permanent labor, to visit the missionary headquarters in Astrakhan.

What might they not learn there of the people whom they were to teach, and of the social and religious prejudices they would encounter, of different dialects to be grappled with, or ethnical peculiarities to be conciliated, of climate and means of living, of plain laws of health and healing? Their way to the Crimea, therefore, was by canals from the Neva to the Volga, and so down to that great delta opening out into the Caspian sea, where on an island the city of Astrakhan is situated:- a voyage of between two and three thousand verststhe verst is two-thirds of a mile - which occupied seventy-four days, with no lack of moving accidents by flood and field.

But they reached their haven at last, and in the missionary house they once more found safety and comfort. The departure from St. Petersburg was on the eleventh of August, It would take too long to tell how their boat began to leak and they were compelled to pass a night under the stars on shore; how great rocks and deep gulfs threatened their destruction in one place, and in another the water spread out into shallows that were hardly enough to keep them afloat; what difficulties they had with the boat's captain on account of his drunkenness and his debts, till they were compelled to advance money and take possession of the craft, and by and by to have the captain arrested and replaced by another.

But it is much to our purpose to know that they had great delight in the eagerness with which their tracts and Testaments were purchased by those who could read, and in the wondering attention given by others to what was read out to them. The voyage itself was a missionary journey. At places where they were detained their boat was crowded with all classes of people eager for Bibles, Testaments and tracts. Their progress was enlivened with delightful and memorable scenes of this sort. At Tikhvin, the head-man of the town sent them a present of a large can of milk on their arrival.

The boy who brought it was given a tract; and very soon returned requesting the loan of a Bible for his parents to read. A captain in the army wanted to buy a Bible. There would be a fresh and eloquent voice to awaken all the associations of Scottish Christianity in the minds of those who had lived long at this frontier station; and, what was of the most pressing urgency, there was the study of the Tartar language.

Six months of preliminary work at this old city, where Hindoos and Persians mingled with Tartars and oriental Christians, where strange. They left Astrakhan Tuesday the sixteenth of April, , and in three weeks reached Baktchiserai, a Tartar town in the Crimea, which appears to have been their destination from the first. The journey was upon the whole delightful. The country was flat, wonderfully green and fertile; herds of cattle, the riches of the Cossacks, abounded; towns were well-built and cleanly; the houses often large and commodious; the Cossacks of the Don they found, contrary to their expectation, to be of pleasing address and hospitable disposition; there were walls, burial-places, triumphal arches, that told of other times; and, what was of special importance to them, there was a well-regulated system of post-stations, so that having proceeded a certain distance they were sure of finding relays of horses, and pursuing their journey without delay.

The winds were sharp enough to drive away the mosquitoes, while the manners and costumes of the people afforded a daily study. They did not omit to cultivate the acquaintance of those who came to see them. When their carriage, which I take to have answered the purpose not only of transportation but of a small house as well, was surrounded by curious visitors, they were asked, "can you read?

One man, who kept the horses at a station, wanted to know " If there was not a book, in which God revealed himself to us. Carruthers went one afternoon to visit some Tartars. He was well received and drank tea with them. They said "We know you give away books, and we suppose you are going to the Crimea to convert the Tartars there. Here they passed a Sunday.

Rahm, their good friends, had them to dinner with the bishop of the place and several of the brethren. Their intercourse was most edifying. Carruthers gave at least two lectures in Portland on the Don Cossacks, the matter of which he laid up in this journey. Not only was the valley of the Don fertile, and beautiful in its vegetation, but the overflow of the river at the time gave aspects of peculiar picturesqueness,-large expanses of water, in which islands of flowers and shrubbery with here and there a cottage, seemed to float as in a summer sea.

The Cossack capital, Tcherkask, excited special admiration. It was situated upon an eminence, the approach to which was through a double row of trees skirted with water; they passed a fine triumphal arch, and on reaching the top of the hill beheld a most beautiful town:houses all good, many elegant, the interiors which they saw quite in keeping with what met the eye upon the street -not even an English house could surpass them for cleanliness and neatness. The people were frank, open and obliging; partly it was thought because they had their own laws, and paid no taxes to the imperial government, unless it might be in the way of military service.

Similar descriptions, however, are frequent. The journey proceeds through a country remarkably well-inhabited, abounding in all the tokens of civilized society and happy household life. And what is perhaps quite as noteworthy, I cannot recall the mention of a single town or village of emphatically repulsive character. The inhabitants, no matter of what race, at that time did not represent an " empire of the discontented. Here two seas almost meet, and a wall across the narrow isthmus marks what no longer ago than was the boundary between Russia and a Turkish province, the ancient Tauric Peninsula, once inhabited by the Cimmerians, from whom the name Crimea is a distinct legacy to our modern world.

Early one morning, before breakfast, our missionary invaders went out to examine this wall and gateway, through which they peacefully passed a little later, and traveled southward over the dreary steppe, with nothing more interesting than an Arme. But soon there was a change. Setting off once more at daybreak, they saw to the left a range of beautiful mountains,- one of great height, and flat at the top.

They crossed the river Selghir, then dried up to a rivulet, and the country became more and more interesting as they went on. Mountains on mountains rose before them to the left, and to the right were Tartar villages and patches of cultivated ground. Simferopol was reached, a town in excellent order, well built, in a charming valley surrounded by hills.

Much popular interest and inquiry greeted the strangers. Was Mr. Carruthers an officer? Passing through a pleasant plain, with a few poplars growing upon it, and some poor cottages, they suddenly turned to the left, and all at once the town was presented to their view. In a deep vale, and climbing the side of a steep hill, almost every house having a small garden,- in the gardens poplars and other trees, - here was their future home. This was the end of their journey. Here they set to work, first to know the place and to find a house. In a few days they were established in a pleasant part of the city, with room enough for their two friends, Dr.

Ross and Mr. Glen, whom they were looking for to share their labors, at least for a while. The name Baktchiserai is made up of two words, and signifies "garden-palace. It is twenty miles southwesterly from Simferepol, and about the same distance northeasterly from Sevastopol. The inhabitants of the Crimea are for the most part Tartars, with considerable numbers, however, of Russians, Germans, Armenians, Gypsies, and Jews.

The climate is one of extremes and caprices, with a good share of delightful weather. The hill country abounds in striking scenery, and is rich in vegetation and wild animals. The Tartars of the hills pique themselves on their undiluted descent from the Mongols who took possession of the country under Genghis Khan about the year In the Crimea came into possession of a race of Khans of the family of Genghis.

But these were subjected by the Ottoman Turks, and so continued till they regained their independence nominally through the intervention of Catherine II of Russia, in , only to be swallowed up in that empire ten years afterward. The Tartars are all Mohammedans. A missionary in the Crimea would touch upon many historic problems, and find time to examine monuments of great archaeological significance.

A monastery, an old fortress, relics of Venetian and Genoese commercial enterprise, and the like, - these are writings which he who runs may read, and which strangers studying a country and its people would by no means neglect. The Tartar character was well spoken of for sobriety, chastity, cleanliness and hospitality. Yet their intelligence was narrow, and not easily accessible to new ideas; their religion most oppugnant to change. But it is in human nature slowly and secretly to assimilate larger notions of life; and might not some even of the Tartars be roused to a sudden energy of conviction, and constitute the nucleus of a church, that should give a new meaning and lustre to the Christian name?

Might not this be the day of their visitation - not by the word only, but by the power and liberty of the Christian faith? Carruthers had begun to preach to the Tartars in Astrakhan; and must have made very considerable progress in the language. In May, , he was in the Crimea. Some early tours of investigation were enlivened by the assistance of Dr. Glen from Astrakhan, as well as of Dr. Peterson and Dr. Henderson from St. But these pleasant preliminaries were soon over, and our missionary household was left alone.

They became the church in the wilderness. Their house was the sanctuary of reformed Christianity. There the German or the Moravian missionary on his journey found a home. The British VOL. The kingdom of heaven came with children that were born to them; - one of whom, a son, was given a place of burial in the venerable monastery of St. No vicissitudes of personal experience could withdraw them from the great purpose of their apostleship. Their excursions of pleasure, their hours of rest or intentional recreation, their worship on the Lord's Day, according to the doctrine and rite of their fathers, - all were composed to the unity of their high service.

Some medical knowledge, especially the use of Peruvian bark in the fever season, helped the missionary's credit with the suffering people. Even the plan of bringing young men into a household relation with the teacher, the characteristic feature of Bishop Patteson's efforts in the Melanesian mission, was not untried. The main reliance, however, was at first upon perpetual personal contact and conversation with all sorts and conditions of men, together with the distribution of the Scriptures, and tracts intended to illustrate the Scriptures.

Week after week and month after month the missionary journeyed over mountains and through valleys, visiting all the Tartar villages, and seeking to bring his message to every mind. From each journey he came back at length, usually on a Saturday evening, sometimes very late and very weary, to the home and holy rest - type of their eternal felicity. Then anxieties were allayed, cares dismissed, there was solemn and sweet discourse, with the celebration of sacred ordinances. Afterward another departure to preach the Gospel in other villages also, since for that purpose he was come.

Carruthers was no whit behind her husband in missionary zeal; though her efforts were more limited by household preoccupations. She studied persistently, and at length she spoke both Russian and Turkish fluently. She was devoted to her Tartar women, ministered to them in their sickness with all her resources of domestic medicine; taught them to sew, and had store of thimbles and needles to distribute among them; and was most happy, when she so far prevailed against the jealousy of the husbands as to be allowed to teach the children in a Tartar house, since they were not permitted to come to her own.

She had two. In that semibarbarous society the prying curiosity of the women was often annoying; and their ceremonious hospitalities were apt to be profuse in proportion to their hope of gifts in return. Once in their carriage Mrs. Carruthers was writing in her notebook, when the women who came to see her went into a sad' panic under the impression that she was reporting something about them, which obliged her to desist.

This is very like Mr. Hare's quite recent complaint that lie could not make sketches for the illustration of his book of travels, even in the more civilized parts of Russia, without constant liability to interruption from the police. The obstructions they met were at first not generally rude, but were such as to allow them no rest. They were forever on a skirmish line with very little assurance of support.

Once, for example, without warning, Mr. Carruthers was refused the customary permit or passport, which enabled him to obtain transportation and entertainment in his journeyings. But on visiting the governor of the province, and stating his case, the passport was civilly accorded. Again, the Testaments he had distributed in a village were all packed, sealed and sent to the police with the statement that they were not wanted. But soon came a counter statement to the effect that the books were taken away from their owners by the chief men of the village, and that they were wanted.

Then the books were returned. Their heaviest griefs were due to disappointment in persons of whom they had the best expectations. Their disciples could not endure the relentless ostracism which threatened all their prospects in life; and did not make a bold stand against more or less malicious misrepresentations that were calculated to alienate the people, and to raise suspicion in the authorities.

The journal makes early and repeated references to a certain " Sultan and Sultana," so-called, of whom high hopes were entertained, only to be disappointed. But who and what were the " Sultan and Sultana," the journal had no occasion to say. The history of the Scottish mission, however, given in Newcomb's Cyclopaedia, sup.

Essays on Bodies, Histories, and Identities

It was his defection, doubtless, and that of his wife, which was a great blow to our missionaries on their very arrival. They saw much of these persons in the Crimea, but found them entirely alienated from their Christian profession. Similarly in , when the reactionary movement had gathered force in St. Petersburg, and all the missionaries were in the deepest discouragement, it is noted that "the government has ordered Kazem Bey to enter the service.

Ile was the son of a Mohammedan judge; but in consequence of his discussions with the missionaries came to prefer Christianity to Mohammedism. Notwithstanding the opposition of his friends he obtained from the emperor Alexander, through prince Galitzin, permission to be baptized by those who had been instrumental in his conversion, - instead of by the Greek archbishop, according to law.

He was afterward treated with great harshness by the Russian government of the Caucasus; especially was compelled in to enter the Russian service, and ordered to refrain from co-operating in any way with the missionaries. This in fact signified the end of missionary operations. But to the last, Mr. Carruthers continued his journeying and preaching in the villages with unabated diligence. In October, , news came from the Moravians at Sarepta, that the government had forbidden them to baptize, or even to explain the Scriptures, which they were permitted to distribute.

Baptism and instruction were for the holy Synod. The article on missions in the "Encyclopaedia Americana," noticing these interferences with the Moravians goes on to say that still " the missionary Carruthers exerted himself with great zeal for the conversion of the Tartars in the Crimea. The missionary Carruthers actnally received from the emperor permission to baptize.

To one the missionary was able to give a paper which made him a free man. Such success drew audience and attention from Greeks and Tartars. At length it seemed to our pioneers perhaps that they might organize their movement without shunning observation; that even the jealous dignitaries, who looked on not unmoved by the elevated spirit and eloquent speech of the foreign preacher, might be drawn into respectful sympathy with his aims. But no. From that moment it was open war. The church spoke, and the people obeyed, whether Christians or Moslems.

Hospitable attentions, civil discussions, modest references to teachers and scriptures that were good enough for them, liberal hopes for the welfare of all men who were faithful to what was given them, deferential indifference and compliments to the missionary's learning, - all these polite forms began to give place to quite other expressions. Doors closed, children avoided the teacher they had been delighted to meet, one woman ran to warn another of danger if she was seen talking too freely with the enemy, countenances were averted and men nodded or shrugged their shoulders in a sinister way when the missionary appeared.

A truculent non-intercourse was more and more declared not without threats of violence and hints of prosecution, while converts were tempted to make their peace with society in general by gratuitous zeal in decrying what they had but just now promised to support. In a word, the solid, impenetrable, popular will held on its accustomed way with the slow, resistless movement of a glacier.

The fatal year was Alexander died. Prince Galitzin resigned his place as minister of religion, in consequence of the powerful opposition raised against the Bible Society. The secretary of this society was put upon his trial in the criminal court, for allowing a book to be published in which were some reflections deemed unfavorable to the doctrine of the Greek church, with reference to the Virgin Mary. The Tartar version of the Old Testament, nearly completed, was required to be submitted to three. These facts, together with the growing indifference or opposition of the native tribes, determined not only the Moravians, but the Scottish society also, to withdraw their forces.

And this was done, so far as I can judge, with the perfect concurrence of both missionaries in Russia and directors at home. I have sketched the general features of this missionary episode with a free hand, not piecing together solid extracts from the record, and have studied sobriety rather than intensity of coloring. This plan seemed best not only by reason of the necessary limits which I was bound to observe, but also as affording the needed security against taking any liberty with those sacred privacies of the closet and the home, that are naturally interwoven with elements that belong to history in a journal like the one from which I have drawn.

Back again over the steppe they took their way. In a little while it began to blow a hurricane. The dust and smoke obscured the sun.

They could with difficulty avoid collision with the numerous carts that met them. But at last they came again to the gate of the Crimea, showed their passports, passed over the bridge, and bade adieu to the ancient peninsula forever, with this retrospective review taken from Mrs. Carruthers' journal:It is but little more than four years since we entered it, but with very different feelings from what we have today. Then they were sanguine; now they are cast down.

I well remember when we entered it my spirits were quite elevated, when Mr. Carruthers remarked, "Well, if I do my duty here I expect much sorrow,"-and in reality these words have been realized. Their course was through the magnificent valley of the Dnieper for a considerable distance; and many were the thriving and well-built towns they passed.

The storm and stress of the heated weather, with casualties incident to bad roads they had to reckon with; yet the journey was one of great interest, and on the sixth of July they entered Moscow, thankful that two-thirds of the way to St. Petersburg had been achieved in perfect safety. A few words without date note their arrival at St. Petersburg, and their welcome at the Bible house from Dr.

Peterson and other friends. Johnston, an uncle -the same no doubt who a few years before was tutor to his nephew and the boy Carlyle; of a short passage to Liverpool by steam packet ending in joyful reunion with kindred and friends. Great as may have been the disappointment at the result of the Crimean mission, the missionaries were far from representing it a failure. They returned with corrected judgments, proved principles, tried abilities, exalted motives, in short with characters disciplined and demonstrated by faithfulness to the demands of a difficult and dangerous service.

They had suffered in health, they knew the cost of learning strange languages, they had to care for the future of children; and though the Scottisl society was desirous of sending them to a more promising missionary field, they upon the whole concluded to give their permanent efforts to their English-speaking brethren.

Their journeying years had been an added schooling for home work, and to this they addressed themselves Between the return to England in and the settlement in Gosport , I place the stay in Selkirk or elsewhere while the future way was preparing. The call to Gosport was one of entire unanimity and great cordiality, signed not merely by a committee and the deacons, but by hundreds of members of the church and parish.

There was a grave sense of responsibility in this Gosport society at that time, which caused Mr. Thomas Hoskins to address a letter of inquiry to several ministers in Scotland, as to the character and conduct of Mr. Carruthers, which brought back responses highly commendatory from Dr. Chalmers, Dr. John Brown, father of Dr. David Dickson and Mr. Andrew Lothian. How well the favorable opinions, so early and adventurously won, were afterward justified in this community need not be told.

In , Mr. Each of these removals gave the people occasion to signify their deep sense of his spiritual service, their earnest desire for its con. In October, , while Mr. Carruthers was in Montreal, Dr. Henry Wilkes of that city joined his influence with many others, in favor of placing our lamented friend in the chair of logic and rhetoric in McGill college, and wrote a letter warmly commendatory of his scholarship.

No appointment to the chair in question was made at that time; and Mr. Carruthers continued, so far as I know, in the same pastoral and professorial work up to the time of his call to Portland. Meanwhile, the University of Vermont, under the presidency of Dr.

John Wheeler, did itself the honor of bestowing upon Mr. Carruthers the degree of doctor of divinity in Carruthers' call to Portland was regarded with an interest by no means confined to a single congregation. The sentiments and votes of the Second church and parish are so accurately analyzed and judiciously summed up in a letter of Dr. Mighels, which accompanied the official communications, that the entire document deserves to appear, not only as a memento of an esteemed physician, worthy citizen, and cultivated man, but as a chapter of parochial history, creditable to all concerned.

It is hoped, however, that the last paragraph may serve the purpose.


Finally, we are now anxiously awaiting your decision, hoping and praying that our overture may not be rejected. The question is often asked with much anxiety, "Will he come? I have the honor to be, my dear sir, Your very humble servant, J. Portland, June 11, The coming of Dr. Carruthers opened a period of peculiar interest in the history not only of the church to which he ministered, but of the city and state. He was in the maturity of manhood, a person of unmistakable distinction, having a countenance radiant with spiritual emotion, a deportment of winning cordiality, a voice of remarkable depth and richness, an elocution of dignity, harmony and power - the spontaneous utterance of thoughts that bore upon their breath the odors of that spiritual.

How many of the young men and women of that day must remember, as I do, the grave yet animating appeals in which he called his hearers to the high motives and efforts of the Christian life. Certainly, also, this final settlement, as it proved to be, marks a most important epoch in the Doctor's life. In Dr. John Brown's memorable letter to John Cairns, D. Especially it changed the character of his preaching.

He took as it were to subsoil ploughing; he got a new and adamantine point to the instrument with which he bored, and with a fresh power, with his whole might, he sunk it right down into the living rock, and to the virgin gold. In illustration he notes that his father when young had been preaching at Galashiels, and one wife said to her neebor, " Jean, what think ye o'the lad? After my mother's death, he preached in the same place, and Jean running to her friend, took the first word, "It's a gowd noo. Carruthers ever had a time of "tinsel wark," I cannot say; he had reached the golden period before coming to Portland; and, through a crisis identical with that which so changed his friend of the Scottish Missionary Society.

The brave and devoted wife, who had helped his toil and cheered his solitude in the Crimea, was no longer at his side. She had died in Montreal in Under the shadow of that affliction his conversation could hardly be elsewhere than in heaven; and his preaching had a fervor and. Here again were "sacred lambencies, tongues of authentic flame which kindled what was best in one;" and doubtless many a soul that did not hold stoutly by the Doctor's theological system, could now say, " on me too their pious heavensent influences still rest and live.

He by and by contracted a second marriage. His certificate of naturalization dated May 20, , is signed by George F. Emery, clerk of the U. Wood, chairman. In short he became one of ourselves, sharing in all national, state and municipal vicissitudes. He was quite deliberate in coming to this full political communion; and to a critic who thought to serve a purpose by setting the native above the adoptive citizen, he pleasantly replied:- I am an American by choice. You probably by the necessity of the case. There may be some virtue in volition - there can be none in accident. It gave him an international function.

He kept up a diligent correspondence, not only with friends in various parts of the British empire, but with the British public through the press. He promoted the mutual understanding of religious bodies. He was on terms of hospitality with many excellent ministers in the neighboring provinces, so that their voices were not unfrequently heard in our pulpits.

But when the dark years of the civil war came on his service was constant and most important. He wrought upon that intelligent and conscientious popular conviction in England, which diplomacy could not reach; while at home his eloquent advocacy was never wanting when the national spirit needed to be roused to new courage and zeal for the national duty. His conduct was never forced upon him. His chief organ was the British Standard, London, edited by Dr. The editorial remarks accompanying some of Dr. Carruthers' communications furnish as good an illustration as I have ever met of the change from an early ignorance and despair of our republic, to a hearty acceptance of the war and its results - on the part of multitudes of the best minds and hearts in Great Britain.

Here is an example. In a letter of January 28, , touching among other things the "Trent affair," Dr. Campbell remarks: - A letter will be found in another column from our much valued friend and correspondent, Dr. Carruthers, which, although brief, is full of facts of a highly interesting character. Some of his statements, however, fill us with astonishment.

While the Doctor was in England he occupied a foremost place amongst our ablest men, as large in view, quick in perception, and fluent in expression; a thorough, downright, upright, practical Englishman. How changed by his long residence in America! He is now become a thorough Yankee, as blind and as sanguine as any of them. That such a man should have been so carried away is not a little remarkable.

How a man so judicious could express himself as follows, we cannot divine:"The rebellion will soon be put down. Slavery will soon cease to be! Englishmen long most intensely for both, but utterly despair of either! The men of the northern states seem resolutely to close their eyes to all that is passing around them. Their life is a dream; and terrible will be the awakening! Glad, most glad, however, shall we be, should Dr. Carruthers turn out a true prophet. We will hasten to acknowledge our error, proclaim his triumph, and humble ourselves in the dust as long as we live.

In the following April Dr. Carruthers had other signs of promise to communicate, though the logic of events was yet far from its conclusion. Meanwhile Dr. Campbell's judgment had been somewhat humbled, and his hopes correspondingly exalted This is how he introduced his correspondent's letter:The letter of our noble-hearted friend will be read with extreme delight in all parts of the country. He is, we think, still a little "sanguine;" but he is such a prophet of good, that, eschewing criticism, we. His epistle is crammed with glorious facts; but we wish he had in his own masterly way expanded it to twice the length.

The longer the better. Indeed, Dr. Carruthers, though blind, was not prophesying to the deaf. He was really authorized to say, as he did say in his Thanksgiving sermon of this same year, " the voice of the British public is for peace - not with rebellion - not with slavery - but with the free United States of America. The voice of the British public responded at length in one great. But if this good patriot and citizen of the world was expecting the return of peace to bring him an honored repose for declining years, he was signally disappointed.

The national crisis was closely followed in Portland by a municipal and parochial disaster, which laid upon him, as upon many others, a burden to constitute the crowning trial rather than the natural reward of lifelong service. The conflagration of , that abolished so many old records and opened so many new tables, marks a memorable epoch in the history of the Second church and parish.

Old things had passed away. All things were to be made new. Carruthers became at once the preacher, the prophet, and the chronicler, of a renascent church and parish history. From onward, he kept a careful and voluminous journal with special reference to ecclesiastical matters, but with interesting personal notices, to August 2, , when the record ends in the handwriting of age with these pathetic words: - The members of the church who visit us are very kind, and I desire to be thankful.

Though weak, I am mercifully spared any pain. Hardly had the embers of the old meeting-house grown cold, when the Doctor began to receive numerous letters from old friends, near and remote, tendering small sums of money to aid in the work of rebuilding. In this way was opened an extensive correspondence, which became part of his new calling. The memorable history and distinguished ministry of the Second Parish church, its frontier position and important influence, were made the ground of an appeal for prompt aid by Dr.

Carruthers himself sent to the editors of the Boston Recorder and the Congregationalist respectively his own programme: - In undertaking the solemn mission committed to his trust the undersigned is anxious it should be understood, 1. That he has neither strength, nor heart, nor time, for individual solicitation. Independently, besides, of the irksomeness, not to say offensiveness, of such a method of raising funds for religious purposes, he cannot be indifferent nor insensible to its re-active influence on those who have given themselves to prayer and to the ministry of the word.

That this appeal is to all of like precious faith, who sympathize with us in the day of our calamity. Pastors of churches beloved and trusted by their people will most efficiently plead a cause like this; and, if thus presented, the practical response will prove that Christian faith and love are fully adequate to such emergencies. That if his personal presence and presentation of the object be deemed expedient, he is open to such calls, and will gratefully embrace the opportunities thus afforded of asking the aid of fellow disciples towards the erection of the Payson Memorial church.

September 4, Agreeably to this announcement the doctor visited the chief cities of New England, the Middle States, and Canada,l with the enterprising zeal of his earliest mission. Despite the moral and financial agitations resulting from the war, he was successful to a remarkable degree in gaining both spiritual encouragement and material aid. Nor was this all. Carruthers was of the opinion that two parishes, the second and third, whose situation and wants were much the same, should unite their resources, both in building a house of worship and in prosecuting their common work for a 1See "The Dominion.

But as the choice of a minister to preside over this union was one in which the third parish, as well as his own, would be entitled to a voice, he proposed, and with a pressing persistency of purpose, to retire from his pastorate, under advice of a council, rather than stand in the way of a consummation, which he had so much at heart. This involved a deliberate sacrifice of personal feeling, of which not even he could measure the cost.

But in his view cost was not to be counted after the way of duty was made clear. When, however, the matter was referred to an ecclesiastical council, June 19, , there was no such evidence of the practicability of uniting the two parishes on any terms, as to make the proposed retirement appear an advisable step. Things went on in their wonted way, and the Doctor's numerous friends, who had strongly protested against his leaving them, enjoyed his ministry for ten years more. Meanwhile the work of rebuilding went on apace in the devastated streets; and, not to be left altogether out of sight by the general activity, on the fourth of July, , Dr.

Carruthers laid the corner-stone of the Payson Memorial church. April 15, , the day of the annual fast, was signalized by the dedication of the vestry. Carruthers preached, and offered the dedicatory prayer; and on July 4, , the whole solid and comely structure was duly dedicated; and again Dr. Carruthers, as was most meet and right, preached and offered the dedicatory prayer.

Accordingly, in the affectionate tribute paid to the memory of his venerated friend by the Rev. Wright, on the funeral day, that law of history, which makes it impossible to limit a public monument to the honor of a single name, was referred to with the eloquence of judgment and of feeling:One crowning result of Dr. Carruthers' prolonged and able ministry in our city, was the erection of this massive church edifice, which stands as a worthy memorial of the great Dr. So let it ever stand; but there are many who will likewise look upon it as a monument to the energy and efficiency of Dr.

Many there were to. Carruthers was their Nehemiah, to lead the way and urge them on. Let the generation of youthful worshipers, who pass in and out of this house of God with pride and joy, think reverently of the man who rose up in the residue of his strength and devoted the years of his old age to the preparation of a sanctuary for them and for their children, which in ages to come will be the ornament and the defence of our city.

In a long ministry, as in a long life, there is likely to be a more or less marked beginning of the end. Carruthers' journal for the year , after the entry of January first, has nothing more till the seventeenth of July, when a concluding chapter seems to open as follows: - How much has passed since last insertion! On the twenty-fourth of February, my dear wife, after a long and very painful illness, fell asleep in Jesus.

His touching reflections on this event belong to the inner history, which those who can may read without the additional lines. Successive attacks of pneumonia and other troubles had brought him also down almost to death. He adds: - I am still very weak, and as yet entirely unfit for any pastoral work. After much deliberation and earnest prayer, I have come to the conclusion that my office must be resigned. This, D. On Sunday, the twelfth of August, accordingly, the Doctor preached, and at the close of the sermon read his resignation;reflecting with devout gratitude on the results of his lengthened service, testifying the warmest personal affection for his people, and the satisfaction he had in their work of faith and labor of love, together with his pastoral solicitude for the future, especially for those who had, as he feared, received the grace of God in vain, - and hoping still to embrace any opportunities of usefulness among them that might be afforded him.

He was wonderfully strengthened" for this effort, his journal adds; and his act implied its proper sequel. This however, did not take place till fifteen months afterward, when church, parish and council vied with each other in testimonies of regret, love, and reverence, such as the sober practice of centuries has made appropriate to a ministry of marked excellence and unmis. Nor were these testimonies of an altogether conventional type. The church hoped that the bonds of spiritual affinity might be made dearer and stronger through the preservation of his valuable life in the freshness and serenity of advancing age; and that he might realize in this Christian community " the delightful close of the ministry of the beloved disciple in the church of Ephesus.

The council, gratefully recalling his uniform urbanity and kindness, expressed the hope that he might long be spared, "by his presence and occasional ministrations to strengthen and cheer the church of God. In proposing this dissolution he had said in effect: " My way of life Is fallen into the sere, the yellow leaf;"And that which should accompany old age, As honor, love, obedience, troops of friends, he might surely look to have, now that the dissolution had been declared.

His journal gives this record for December 6:My good and noble friend, Dr. Shailer, called, and expressed his perfect satisfaction with my course. Carruthers not only enjoyed the honors and friendships of old age, he rejoiced in its opportunities and tasks. The series of judicious and interesting articles entitled "Reminiscences of Distinguished Men," was prepared for the Christian Mirror, in Occasionally, the great passion of his soul was gratified with a call to preach the gospel. And if any appalling event or critical situation of public affairs made men think - "more things are wrought by prayer than this world dreams of,"- then the aged man of God interpreted the common burden, and gave voice to the common desire.

Perhaps there is no vantage ground in this world like "the chamber where the good man meets his fate. Carruthers' religion. He agreed with his old friend Dr. John Brown of Edinburgh, the sometime secretary of the Scottish Missionary Society, who said: — A personal Deity is the soul of natural religion; a personal Savior - the real living Christ - is the soul of revealed religion.

In this faith Dr. Carruthers bade us farewell; and leaving him to that unknown blessedness, which by the law of Christian thought is ampler than the best human anticipations, I would enshrine his memory in words I once heard him deliver with great impressiveness, - from, as he said, "the excellent and admirable Cowper:" - All joy to the believer! Since the dear hour that brought me to thy foot And cut up all my follies by the root, I never trusted in an arm but thine, Nor hoped, but in thy righteousness divine: My prayers and alms, imperfect and defiled, Were but the feeble efforts of a child; Howe'er performed, it was their brightest part, That they proceeded from a grateful heart: Cleansed in thine own all-purifying blood, Forgive their evil and accept their good; I cast them at thy feet -my only plea Is what it was, dependence upon thee; While struggling in the vale of tears below, That never failed, nor shall it fail me now.

No man who has ever resided in Massachusetts can have failed to observe the extraordinary care with which the services and fame of her eminent citizens have been perpetuated either in song or history, and with what jealous watchfulness everything pertaining to matters of public moment is there preserved for future generations. Though much has been done by members of this Society and by other praiseworthy persons, to immortalize the names and deeds of Maine men, there still remains here a wide field to be explored by loyal sons, and a fruitage to be garnered for future use, as well in the interest of truth and justice, as from gratitude to a wise and patriotic ancestry.

This sentiment it was that led to the preparation of the paper which I read, relating to a period of our national history, second in interest to no other, and with which, our people ought accordingly to be reasonably well informed. I invite my friends on this occasion to accompany me to Boston, to look in upon the Massachusetts convention assembled to act on the adoption or the rejection of the federal constitution. Our chief purpose is to observe the action of the delegates therein from the District of Maine, whose constituents have already,.

But before entering the body, it may be well to take a brief survey of the situation and surrounding circumstances, lest we fail to appreciate the interest with which the scene is invested, and underestimate the magnitude of the results to flow from it. The confederacy of " free and sovereign states " has confessedly proved inadequate for "the exigencies of government and the preservation of the union.

At that convention, however, it was impossible to secure unanimity either in council or result. Of the Massachusetts delegation, consisting of Nathaniel Gorham, Rufus King, Elbridge Gerry and Caleb Strong, the two latter declined to sign the proposed constitution, hence the new instrument comes before this convention with only one-half an indorsement of men deemed among the best and wisest of her eminent citizens.

Moreover, as it requires the approval of nine of the thirteen states to make it obligatory, only five have yet ratified it, namely, Delaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Georgia and Connecticut; consequently the eye of the entire country is directed to the scene of our visit to learn what Massachusetts will decide for herself, and how. It is well known also, that the popular feeling in Massachusetts is adverse to the new constitution, and that men of commanding influence have publicly declared against it.

Samuel Adams, the great central figure of revolutionary times, in a letter to Richard Henry Lee, of December 3, , has said: - I stumble at the threshold. They fancy that the engagement was seriously made, and religiously observed. Nothing was ever farther from the mind of Juvenal. It is merely a poetical, or, if you will, a satirical, flourish; since there is not a single Satire, I am well persuaded, in which the names of many who were alive at the time are not introduced. Had Dodwell forgotten Quintilian?

Here, we see, it signifies lately; but when it is necessary to bring the works of our author down to a late period, it means, as Britannicus explains it, "de longo tempore," long ago. Very easily; he calls him "fecundus Juvenalis. Yet it is applied by the same writer to a poet of no ordinary kind;. Let it be remembered, too, that Martial, as is evident from the frequent allusions to Domitian's expedition against the Catti, wrote this epigram lib.

Salmasius, more rationally, conceives it to have been produced at Rome. Giving full credit, however, to the story of his late banishment, he is driven into a very awkward supposition. With respect to the 16th Satire, Dodwell, we see, hesitates to attribute it to Juvenal; and, indeed, the old Scholiast says, that, in his time, many thought it to be the work of a different hand. So it always appeared to me. It is unworthy of the author's best days, and seems but little suited to his worst. He was at least eighty-one, they say, when he wrote it, yet it begins—.

Surely, at this age, the writer resembled Priam, the tremulus miles , more than the timid tyro! Nor do I believe that Juvenal would have been much inclined to amuse himself with the fancied advantages of a profession to which he was so unworthily driven. But the Satire must have been as ill-timed for the army as for himself, since it was probably, at this period, in a better state of subjection than it had been for many reigns. I suppose it to be written in professed imitation of our author's manner, about the age of Commodus.

It has considerable merit, though the first and last paragraphs are feeble and tautological; and the execution of the whole is much inferior to the design. In gratiar. In the preface to his fourth book, he says, "Cum vero mihi Dom. Vespasian had a daughter, Domitilla, who married, and died long before her father: she left a daughter, who was given to Flavius Clemens, by whom she had two sons. These were the grandchildren of Domitian's sister, of whom Quintilian speaks; and to their father, Clemens, according to Ausonius, he was indebted for the show, though not the reality, of power.

There is nothing incongruous in all this; yet so possessed are Dodwell and his numerous followers among whom I am sorry to rank Dusaulx of the late period at which it happened, that they will needs have Hadrian to be meant by Domitianus Augustus, though the detestable flattery which follows the words I have quoted most indisputably proves it to be Domitian; and though Dodwell himself is forced to confess that he can find no Clemens under Hadrian to whom the passage applies: "Quis autem fuerit Clemens ille qui Q.

Another circumstance which has escaped all the commentators, and which is of considerable importance in determining the question, remains to be noticed. At the very period of which Dodwell treats, the boundaries of the empire were politically contracted, while Juvenal, whenever he has occasion to speak on the subject, invariably dwells on extending or securing them. It will now be expected from me, perhaps, to say something on the nature and design of Satire; but in truth this has so frequently been done, that it seems, at present, to have as little of novelty as of utility to recommend it.

Dryden, who had diligently studied the French critics, drew up from their remarks, assisted by a cursory perusal of what Casaubon, Heinsius, Rigaltius, and Scaliger had written on the subject, an account of the rise and progress of dramatic and satiric poetry among the Romans; which he prefixed to his translation of Juvenal. What Dryden knew, he told in a manner that renders every attempt to recount it after him equally hopeless and vain; but his acquaintance with works of literature was not very extensive, while his reliance on his own powers sometimes betrayed him into inaccuracies, to which the influence of his name gives a dangerous importance.

To speak my mind, I do not think that he clearly perceived or fully understood the characters of the first two: of Persius indeed he had an intimate knowledge; for, though he certainly deemed too humbly of his poetry, he yet speaks of his beauties and defects in a manner which evinces a more than common acquaintance with both. What Dryden left imperfect has been filled up in a great measure by Dusaulx, in the preliminary discourse to his translation of Juvenal, and by Ruperti, in his critical Essay "De diversa Satirarum Lucil.

Previously to this, however, it will be necessary to say something on the supposed origin of Satire: and, as this is a very beaten subject, I shall discuss it as briefly as possible. It is probable that the first metrical compositions of the Romans, like those of every other people, were pious effusions for favors received or expected from the gods: of these, the earliest, according to Varro, were the hymns to Mars, which, though used by the Salii in the Augustan age, were no longer intelligible. To these succeeded the Fescennine verses, which were sung, or rather recited, after the vintage and harvest, and appear to have been little more than rude praises of the tutelar divinities of the country, intermixed with clownish jeers and sarcasms, extemporally poured out by the rustics in some kind of measure, and indifferently directed at the audience, or at one another.

These, by degrees, assumed the form of a dialogue; of which, as nature is every where the same, and the progress of refinement but little varied, some resemblance may perhaps be found in the grosser eclogues of Theocritus. Thus improved if the word may be allowed of such barbarous amusements , they formed, for near three centuries, the delight of that nation: popular favor, however, had a dangerous effect on the performers, whose licentiousness degenerated at length into such wild invective, that it was found necessary to restrain it by a positive law: "Si qui populo occentassit, carmenve condisit, quod infamiam faxit flagitiumve alteri, fuste ferito.

This was a wise and a salutary measure: the plague had spread dejection through the city, which was thus rendered more obnoxious to its fury; and it therefore became necessary, by novel and extraordinary amusements, to [Pg xiv] divert the attention of the people from the melancholy objects around them. As the Romans were unacquainted with the language of Tuscany, the players, Livy tells us, omitted the modulation and the words, and confined themselves solely to gestures, which were accompanied by the flute.

This imperfect exhibition, however, was so superior to their own, that the Romans eagerly strove to attain the art; and, as soon as they could imitate what they admired, graced their rustic measures with music and dancing. By degrees they dropped the Fescennine verses for something of a more regular kind, which now took the name of Satire. These Satires for as yet they had but little claim to the title of dramas continued, without much alteration, to the year , when Livius Andronicus, a Greek by birth, and a freedman of L.

Salinator, who was undoubtedly acquainted with the old comedy of his country, produced a regular play. That it pleased can not be doubted, for it surpassed the Satires, even in their improved state; and, indeed, banished them for some time from the scene. They had, however, taken too strong a hold of the affections of the people to be easily forgotten, and it was therefore found necessary to reproduce and join them to the plays of Andronicus the superiority of which could not be contested , under the name of Exodia or After-pieces.

These partook, in a certain degree, of the general amelioration of the stage; something like a story was now introduced into them, which, though frequently indecent and always extravagant, created a greater degree of interest than the reciprocation of gross humor and scurrility in unconnected dialogues. Whether any of the old people still regretted this sophistication of their early amusements, it is not easy to say; but Ennius, who came to Rome about twenty years after this [Pg xv] period, and who was more than half a Grecian, conceived that he should perform an acceptable service by reviving the ancient Satires.

Success justified the attempt. Satire, thus freed from action, and formed into a poem, became a favorite pursuit, and was cultivated by several writers of eminence. In imitation of his model, Ennius confined himself to no particular species of verse, nor indeed of language, for he mingled Greek expressions with his Latin at pleasure. It is solely with a reference to this new attempt that Horace and Quintilian are to be understood, when they claim for the Romans the invention [18] of this kind of poetry; [Pg xvi] and certainly they had opportunities of judging which we have not, for little of Ennius, and nothing of the old Satire, remains.

It is not necessary to pursue the history of Satire farther in this place, or to speak of another species of it, the Varronian, or, as Varro himself called it, the Menippean, which branched out from the former, and was a medley of prose and verse; it will be a more pleasing, as well as a more useful employ, to enter a little into what Dryden, I know not for what reason, calls the most difficult part of his undertaking—"a comparative view of the Satirists;" not certainly with the design of depressing one at the expense of another for, though I have translated Juvenal, I have no quarrel with Horace and Persius , but for the purpose of pointing out the characteristic excellencies and defects of them all.

To do this the more [Pg xvii] effectually, it will be previously necessary to take a cursory view of the times in which their respective works were produced. Lucilius , to whom Horace, forgetting what he had said in another place, attributes the invention of Satire, flourished in the interval between the siege of Carthage and the defeat of the Cimbri and Teutons, by Marius. He lived therefore in an age in which the struggle between the old and new manners, though daily becoming more equal, or rather inclining to the worse side, was still far from being decided.

The freedom of speaking and writing was yet unchecked by fear, or by any law more precise than that which, as has been already mentioned, was introduced to restrain the coarse ebullitions of rustic malignity. Hence that boldness of satirizing the vicious by name, which startled Horace, and on which Juvenal and Persius delight to felicitate him. Too little remains of Lucilius, to enable us to judge of his manner: his style seems, however, to bear fewer marks of delicacy than of strength, and his strictures appear harsh and violent. With all this, he must have been an extraordinary man; since Horace, who is evidently hurt by his reputation, can say nothing worse of his compositions than that they are careless and hasty, and that if he had lived at a more refined period, he would have partaken of the general amelioration.

I do not remember to have heard it observed, but I suspect that there was something of political spleen in the excessive popularity of Lucilius under Augustus, and something of courtly complacency in the attempt of Horace to counteract it. Augustus enlarged the law of the twelve tables respecting libels; and the people, who found themselves thus abridged of the liberty of satirizing the great by name, might not improbably seek to avenge themselves by an overstrained attachment to the works of a man who, living, as they would insinuate, in better times, practiced without fear, what he enjoyed without restraint.

The space between Horace and his predecessor, was a dreadful interval "filled up with horror all, and big with death. Augustus, whose sword was yet reeking with the best blood of the state, now that submission left him no excuse for farther cruelty, was desirous of enjoying in tranquillity the fruits of his guilt. He displayed, therefore, a magnificence hitherto unknown; and his example, which was followed by his ministers, quickly spread among the people, who were not very unwilling to exchange the agitation and terror of successive proscriptions, for the security and quiet of undisputed despotism.

Tiberius had other views, and other methods of accomplishing them. He did not indeed put an actual stop to the elegant institutions of his predecessor, but he surveyed them with silent contempt, and they rapidly degenerated. The race of informers multiplied with dreadful celerity; and danger, which could only be averted by complying with a caprice not always easy to discover, created an abject disposition, fitted for the reception of the grossest vices, and eminently favorable to the designs of the emperor; which were to procure, by universal depravation, that submission which Augustus sought to obtain by the blandishments of luxury and the arts.

From this gloomy and suspicious tyrant, the empire was transferred to a profligate madman. To the vices of his predecessors, Nero added a frivolity which rendered his reign at once odious and contemptible. Depravity could reach no farther, but misery might yet be extended. This was fully experienced through the turbulent and murderous usurpations of Galba, Otho, and Vitellius; [Pg xix] when the accession of Vespasian and Titus gave the groaning world a temporary respite.

To these succeeded Domitian, whose crimes form the subject of many a melancholy page in the ensuing work, and need not therefore be dwelt on here. Under him, every trace of ancient manners was obliterated; liberty was unknown, law openly trampled upon, and, while the national rites were either neglected or contemned, a base and blind superstition took possession of the enfeebled and distempered mind. Better times followed. Nerva, and Trajan, and Hadrian, and the Antonines, restored the Romans to safety and tranquillity; but they could do no more; liberty and virtue were gone forever; and after a short period of comparative happiness, which they scarcely appear to have deserved, and which brought with it no amelioration of mind, no return of the ancient modesty and frugality, they were finally resigned to destruction.

I now proceed to the "comparative view" of which I have already spoken: as the subject has been so often treated, little of novelty can be expected from it; to read, compare, and judge, is almost all that remains. Horace , who was gay, and lively, and gentle, and affectionate, seems fitted for the period in which he wrote. He had seen the worst times of the republic, and might therefore, with no great suspicion of his integrity, be allowed to acquiesce in the infant monarchy, which brought with it stability, peace, and pleasure.

How he reconciled himself to his political tergiversation it is useless to inquire. If he celebrates the master of the world, it is not until he is asked by him whether he is ashamed that posterity should know them to be friends; and he declines a post, which few of his detractors have merit to deserve, or virtue to refuse.

His choice of privacy, however, was in some measure constitutional; for he had an easiness of temper which bordered on indolence; hence he never rises to the dignity of a decided character. Zeno and Epicurus share his homage and undergo his ridicule by turns: he passes without difficulty from one school to another, and he thinks it a sufficient excuse for his versatility, that he continues, amid every change, the zealous defender of virtue.

Virtue, however, abstractedly considered, has few obligations to his zeal. But though, as an ethical writer, Horace has not many claims to the esteem of posterity; as a critic, he is entitled to all our veneration. Such is the soundness of his judgment, the correctness of his taste, and the extent and variety of his knowledge, that a body of criticism might be selected from his works, more perfect in its kind than any thing which antiquity has bequeathed us.

As he had little warmth of temper, he reproves his contemporaries without harshness. He is content to "dwell in decencies," and, like Pope's courtly dean, "never mentions hell to ears polite. Horace "raised no blush" at least Persius does not insinuate any such thing , and certainly "made no desperate passes. To raise a laugh at vice, however supposing it feasible , is not the legitimate office of Satire, which is to hold up the vicious, as objects of reprobation and scorn, for the example of others, who may be deterred by their sufferings.

But it is time to be explicit. To laugh even at fools is superfluous; if they understand you, they will join in the merriment; but more commonly, they will sit with vacant unconcern, and gaze at their own pictures: to laugh at the vicious, is to encourage them; for there is in such men a willfulness of disposition, which prompts them to bear up against shame, and to show how little they regard slight reproof, by becoming more audacious in guilt. Goodness, of which the characteristic is modesty, may, I fear, be shamed; but vice, like folly, to be restrained, must be overawed.

Labeo, says Hall, with great energy and beauty—. Persius , who borrowed so much of Horace's language, has little of his manner. The immediate object of his imitation seems to be Lucilius; and if he lashes vice with less severity than his great prototype, the cause must not be sought in any desire to spare what he so evidently condemned.

But he was thrown "on evil times;" he was, besides, of a rank distinguished enough to make his freedom dangerous, and of an age when life had yet lost little of its novelty; to write, [Pg xxii] therefore, even as he has written, proves him to be a person of very singular courage and virtue. In the interval between Horace and Persius, despotism had changed its nature: the chains which the policy of Augustus concealed in flowers, were now displayed in all their hideousness.

The arts were neglected, literature of every kind discouraged or disgraced, and terror and suspicion substituted in the place of the former ease and security. Stoicism, which Cicero accuses of having infected poetry, even in his days, and of which the professors, as Quintilian observes, always disregarded the graces and elegancies of composition, spread with amazing rapidity.

Satire was not his first pursuit; indeed, he seems to have somewhat mistaken his talents when he applied to it.

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The true end of this species of writing, as Dusaulx justly says, is the improvement of society; but for this, much knowledge of mankind "quicquid agunt homines" is previously necessary. Whoever is deficient in that, may be an excellent moral and philosophical poet; but can not, with propriety, lay claim to the honors of a satirist. And Persius was moral and philosophical in a high degree: he was also a poet of no mean order. But while he grew pale over the page of Zeno, and Cleanthes, and Chrysippus; while he imbibed, with all the ardor of a youthful mind, the paradoxes of those great masters, together with their principles, the foundations of civil society were crumbling around him, and soliciting his attention in vain.

To judge from what he has left us, it might almost be affirmed that he was a stranger in his own country. The degradation of Rome was now complete; yet he felt, at least he expresses, no indignation at the means by which it was effected: a sanguinary buffoon was [Pg xxiii] lording it over the prostrate world; yet he continued to waste his most elaborate efforts on the miserable pretensions of pedants in prose and verse! If this savor of the impassibility of Stoicism, it is entitled to no great praise on the score of outraged humanity, which has stronger claims on a well-regulated mind, than criticism, or even philosophy.

Dryden gives that praise to the dogmas of Persius, which he denies to his poetry. The charge of obscurity has been urged against him with more justice; though this, perhaps, is not so great as it is usually represented. Casaubon could, without question, have defended him more successfully than he has done; but he was overawed by the brutal violence of the elder Scaliger; for I can scarcely persuade myself that he really believed this obscurity to be owing to "the fear of Nero, or the advice of Cornutus. Generally speaking, however, it springs from a too frequent use of tropes, approaching in almost every instance to a catachresis, an anxiety of compression, and a quick and unexpected transition from one overstrained figure to another.

After all, with the exception of the sixth Satire, which, from its abruptness, does not appear to have received the author's last touches, I do not think there is much to confound an attentive reader: some acquaintance, indeed, with the porch "braccatis illita Medis," is previously necessary.

His life may be contemplated with unabated pleasure: the virtue he recommends, he practiced in the fullest extent; and at an age when few have acquired a determinate character, he left behind him an established reputation for genius, learning, and worth. Juvenal wrote at a period still more detestable than that of Persius. Domitian, who now governed the empire, seems to have inherited the bad qualities of all his predecessors. Juvenal, like Persius, professes to follow Lucilius; but what was in one a simple attempt, is in the other a real imitation, of his manner.

Dusaulx, who is somewhat prejudiced against Horace, does ample justice to Juvenal. There is great force in what he says; and, as I do not know that it ever appeared in English, I shall take the liberty of laying a part of it before the reader, at the hazard of a few repetitions. The cruel but politic Octavius scattered flowers over the paths he was secretly tracing toward despotism: the arts of Greece, transplanted to the Capitol, flourished beneath his auspices; and the remembrance of so many civil dissensions, succeeding each other with increasing rapidity, excited a degree of reverence for the author of this unprecedented tranquillity.

The Romans felicitated themselves [Pg xxv] at not lying down, as before, with an apprehension of finding themselves included, when they awoke, in the list of proscription: and neglected, amid the amusements of the circus and the theatre, those civil rights of which their fathers had been so jealous. A better courtier than a soldier, he clearly saw how far the refinement, the graces, and the cultivated state of his genius qualities not much considered or regarded till his time [25] , were capable of advancing him without any extraordinary effort.

It is on this account, that, of all his contemporaries, he has celebrated none but the friends of his master, or, at least, those whom he could praise without fear of compromising his favor. His great aim was to alarm the vicious, and, if possible, to exterminate vice, which had, as it were, acquired a legal establishment.

A noble enterprise! Despotism was consecrated by the senate; liberty, of which a few slaves were still sensible, was nothing but an unmeaning word for the rest, which, unmeaning as it was, they did not dare to pronounce in public. Men of rank were declared enemies to the state for having praised their equals; historians were condemned to the cross, philosophy was proscribed, and its professors banished. Individuals felt only for their own danger, which they too often averted by accusing others; and there were instances of children who denounced their own parents, and appeared as witnesses against them!

It was not possible to weep for the proscribed, for tears themselves became the object of proscription; and when the tyrant of the day had condemned the accused to banishment or death, the senate decreed that he should be thanked for it, as for an act of singular favor. It is no longer a poet like Horace, fickle, pliant, and fortified with that indifference so falsely called philosophical, who amused himself with bantering vice, or, at most, with upbraiding a few errors of little consequence, in a style, which, scarcely raised above the language of conversation, flowed as indolence and pleasure directed; but a stern and incorruptible censor, an inflamed and impetuous poet, who sometimes rises with his subject to the noblest heights of tragedy.

From this declamatory applause, which even La Harpe allows to be worthy of the translator of Juvenal, the most rigid censor of our author can not detract much; nor can much perhaps be added to it by his warmest admirer. I could, indeed, have wished that he had not exalted him at the expense of Horace; but something must be allowed for the partiality of long acquaintance; and Casaubon, when he preferred Persius, with whom he had taken great, and indeed successful pains, to Horace and Juvenal, sufficiently exposed, while he tacitly accounted for, the prejudices of commentators and translators.

With respect to Horace, if he falls beneath Juvenal and who does not? I could pursue the parallel through a thousand ramifications, but the reader who does me the honor to peruse the following sheets, will see that I have incidentally touched upon some of them in the notes: and, indeed, I preferred scattering my observations through the work, as they arose from the subject, to bringing them together in this place; where they must evidently have lost something of their pertinency, without much certainty of gaining in their effect.

Juvenal is accused of being too sparing of praise. But are his critics well assured that praise from Juvenal could be accepted with safety? I do not know that a private station was "the post of honor" in those days; it was, however, that of security. Martial, Statius, V. Flaccus, and other parasites of Domitian, might indeed venture to celebrate their friends, who were also those of the emperor. Juvenal's, it is probable, were of another kind; and he might have been influenced no less by humanity than prudence, in the sacred silence which he has observed respecting them.

He is also charged with being too rhetorical in his language. The critics have discovered that he practiced at the bar, and they will therefore have it that his Satires smack of his pro [Pg xxviii] fession, "redolent declamatorem. The enumeration of deities in the thirteenth Satire is well defended by Rigaltius, who admits, at the same time, that if the author had inserted it any where but in a Satire, he should have accounted him a babbler; "faterer Juv.

The other passages adduced in support of this charge, are either metaphorical exaggerations, or long traits of indirect Satire, of which Juvenal was as great a master as Horace. I do not say that these are interesting to us; but they were eminently so to those for whom they were written; and by their pertinency at the time, should they, by every rule of fair criticism, be estimated.

The version of such passages is one of the miseries of translation. I have also heard it objected to Juvenal, that there is in many of his Satires a want of arrangement; this is particularly observed of the sixth and tenth. I scarcely know what to reply to this. Those who are inclined to object, would not be better satisfied, perhaps, if the form of both were changed; for I suspect that there is no natural gradation in the innumerable passions which agitate the human breast. Some must precede, and others follow; but the order of march is not, nor ever was, invariable.

While I acquit him of this, however, I readily acknowledge a want of care in many places, unless it be rather attributable to a want of taste. On some occasions, too, when he changed or enlarged his first sketch, [Pg xxix] he forgot to strike out the unnecessary verses: to this are owing the repetitions to be found in his longer works, as well as the transpositions, which have so often perplexed the critics and translators.

Now I am upon this subject, I must not pass over a slovenliness in some of his lines, for which he has been justly reproached by Jortin and others, as it would have cost him no great pains to improve them. Why he should voluntarily debase his poetry, it is difficult to say: if he thought that he was imitating Horace in his laxity, his judgment must suffer considerably.

The verses of Horace are indeed akin to prose; but as he seldom rises, he has the art of making his low flights, in which all his motions are easy and graceful, appear the effect of choice. Juvenal was qualified to "sit where he dared not soar. I have observed in the course of the translation, that he embraced no sect with warmth.

In a man of such lively passions, the retention with which he speaks of them all, is to be admired. From his attachment to the writings of Seneca, I should incline to think that he leaned toward Stoicism; his predilection for the school, however, was not very strong: perhaps it is to be wished that he had entered a little more deeply into it, as he seems not to have those distinct ideas of the nature of virtue and vice, which were entertained by many of the ancient philosophers, and indeed, by his immediate predecessor, Persius. As a general champion for virtue, he is commonly successful, but he sometimes misses his aim; and, in more than one instance, confounds the nature of the several vices in his mode of attacking them: he confounds too the very essence of virtue, which, in his hands, has often "no local habitation and name," but varies with the ever-varying passions and caprices of mankind.

I know not whether it be worth while to add, that he is accused of holding a different language at different times respecting the gods, since in this he differs little from the Greek and Roman poets in general; who, as often as they introduce their divinities, state, as Juvenal does, the mythological circumstances coupled with their names, without regard to the existing system of physic or [Pg xxx] morals. When they speak from themselves, indeed, they give us exalted sentiments of virtue and sound philosophy; when they indulge in poetic recollections, they present us with the fables of antiquity.

Hence the gods are alternately, and as the subject requires, venerable or contemptible; and this could not but happen through the want of some acknowledged religious standard, to which all might with confidence refer. I come now to a more serious charge against Juvenal, that of indecency. To hear the clamor raised against him, it might be supposed, by one unacquainted with the times, that he was the only indelicate writer of his age and country. Yet Horace and Persius wrote with equal grossness: yet the rigid Stoicism of Seneca did not deter him from the use of expressions, which Juvenal perhaps would have rejected: yet the courtly Pliny poured out gratuitous indecencies in his frigid hendecasyllables, which he attempts to justify by the example of a writer to whose freedom the licentiousness of Juvenal is purity!

It seems as if there was something of pique in the singular severity with which he is censured. His pure and sublime morality operates as a tacit reproach on the generality of mankind, who seek to indemnify themselves by questioning the sanctity which they can not but respect; and find a secret pleasure in persuading one another that "this dreaded satirist" was at heart no inveterate enemy to the licentiousness which he so vehemently reprehends.

Jewish Frontiers

When we consider the unnatural vices at which Juvenal directs his indignation, and reflect, at the same time, on the peculiar qualities of his mind, we shall not find much cause, perhaps, for wonder at the strength of his expressions. I should resign him in silence to the hatred of mankind, if his aim, like that of too many others, whose works are read with delight, had been to render vice amiable, to fling his seducing colors over impurity, and inflame the passions by meretricious hints at what is only innoxious when exposed in native deformity: but when I find that his views are to render depravity loathsome; that every thing which can alarm and disgust is directed at her in his terrible page, I forget the grossness of the execution in the excellence of the design; and pay my involuntary homage to that integrity, which fearlessly calling in strong description to the aid of virtue, attempts to purify the passions, at the hazard of wounding delicacy and offending [Pg xxxi] taste.

This is due to Juvenal: in justice to myself, let me add, that I could have been better pleased to have had no occasion to speak at all on the subject. Whether any considerations of this or a similar nature deterred our literati from turning these Satires into English, I can not say; but, though partial versions might be made, it was not until the beginning of the seventeenth century that a complete translation was thought of; when two men, of celebrity in their days, undertook it about the same time; these were Barten Holyday and Sir Robert Stapylton.

Who entered first upon the task, can not well be told. There appears somewhat of a querulousness on both sides; a jealousy that their versions had been communicated in manuscript to each other: Stapylton's, however, was first published, though that of Holyday seems to have been first finished. Of this ingenious man it is not easy to speak with too much respect. His learning, industry, judgment, and taste are every where conspicuous: nor is he without a very considerable portion of shrewdness to season his observations.

His poetry indeed, or rather his ill-measured prose, is intolerable; no human patience can toil through a single page of it; [27] but his notes will always be consulted with pleasure. His work has been of considerable use to the subsequent editors of Juvenal, both at home and abroad; and indeed, such is its general accuracy, that little excuse remains for any notorious deviation from the sense of the original.

Stapylton had equal industry, and more poetry; but he wanted his learning, judgment, and ingenuity. His notes, though numerous, are trite, and scarcely beyond the reach of a schoolboy. He is besides scandalously indecent on many occasions, where his excellent rival was innocently unfaithful, or silent. With these translations, such as they were, the public was satisfied until the end of the seventeenth century, when the necessity of something more poetical becoming apparent, the booksellers, as Johnson says, "proposed a new version to the [Pg xxxii] poets of that time, which was undertaken by Dryden, whose reputation was such, that no man was unwilling to serve the Muses under him.

Dryden's account of this translation is given with such candor, in the exquisite dedication which precedes it, that I shall lay it before the reader in his own words. Thus much may be said for us, that if we give not the whole sense of Juvenal, yet we give the most considerable part of it: we give it, in general, so clearly, that few notes are sufficient to make us intelligible: we make our author at least appear in a poetic dress. We have actually made him more sounding, and more elegant, than he was before in English: and have endeavored to make him speak that kind of English, which he would have spoken had he lived in England, and had written to this age.

If sometimes any of us and it is but seldom make him express the customs and manners of his native country rather than of Rome, it is, either when there was some kind of analogy betwixt their customs and ours, or when, to make him more easy to vulgar understandings, we gave him those manners which are familiar to us. But I defend not this innovation, it is enough if I can excuse it. For to speak sincerely, the manners of nations and ages are not to be confounded. This is, surely, sufficiently modest.

Johnson's description of it is somewhat more favorable: "The general character of this translation will be given, when it is said to preserve the wit, but to want the dignity, of the original. Dryden frequently degrades the author into a jester; bu [Pg xxxiii] t Juvenal has few moments of levity. On the whole, there is nothing in this quotation to deter succeeding writers from attempting, at least, to supply the deficiencies of Dryden and his fellow-laborers; and, perhaps, I could point out several circumstances which might make it laudable, if not necessary: but this would be to trifle with the reader, who is already apprised that, as far as relates to myself, no motives but those of obedience determined me to the task for which I now solicit the indulgence of the public.

When I took up this author, I knew not of any other translator; nor was it until the scheme of publishing him was started, that I began to reflect seriously on the nature of what I had undertaken, to consider by what exertions I could render that useful which was originally meant to amuse, and justify, in some measure, the partiality of my benefactors. My first object was to become as familiar as possible with my author, of whom I collected every edition that my own interest, or that of my friends, could procure; together with such translations as I could discover either here or abroad; from a careful examination of all these, I formed the plan, to which, while I adapted my former labors, I anxiously strove to accommodate my succeeding ones.

Dryden has said, "if we give not the whole, yet we give the most considerable part of it. I had seen enough of castrated editions, to observe that little was gained by them on the score of propriety; since, when the author was reduced to half his bulk, at the expense of his spirit and design, sufficient remained to alarm the delicacy for which the sacrifice had been made. And indeed the age of Chaucer, like that of Juvenal, allowed of such liberties.

Other times, other manners. Many words were in common use with our ancestors, which raised no improper ideas, though they would not, and indeed could not, at this time be tolerated. With the Greeks and Romans it was still worse: their dress, which left many parts of the body exposed, gave a boldness to their language, which was not perhaps lessened by the infrequency of women at those social conversations, of which they now constitute the refinement and the delight. Add to this that their mythology, and sacred rites, which took their rise in very remote periods, abounded in the undisguised phrases of a rude and simple age, and being religiously handed down from generation to generation, gave a currency to many terms, which offered no violence to modesty, though abstractedly considered by people of a different language and manners, they appear pregnant with turpitude and guilt.

When we observe this licentiousness for I should wrong many of the ancient writers to call it libertinism in the pages of their historians and philosophers, we may be pretty confident that it raised no blush on the cheek of their readers. Thus much may suffice for Juvenal: but shame and sorrow on the head of him who presumes to transfer his grossness into the vernacular tongues! Without pretending to his high motives, I have felt the influence of [Pg xxxv] his example, and in his apology must therefore hope to find my own. Though the poet be given entire, I have endeavored to make him speak as he would probably have spoken if he had lived among us; when, refined with the age, he would have fulminated against impurity in terms, to which, though delicacy might disavow them, manly decency might listen without offense.

I have said above, that "the whole of Juvenal" is here given; this, however, must be understood with a few restrictions. Where vice, of whatever nature, formed the immediate object of reprobation, it has not been spared in the translation; but I have sometimes taken the liberty of omitting an exceptionable line, when it had no apparent connection with the subject of the Satire. Here are no allusions, covert or open, to the follies and vices of modern times; nor has the dignity of the original been prostituted, in a single instance, to the gratification of private spleen. I have attempted to follow, as far as I judged it feasible, the style of my author, which is more various than is usually supposed.

It is not necessary to descend to particulars; but my meaning will be understood by those who carefully compare the original of the thirteenth and fourteenth Satires with the translation. In the twelfth, and in that alone, I have perhaps raised it a little; but it really appears so contemptible a performance in the doggerel of Dryden's coadjutor, that I thought somewhat more attention than ordinary was in justice due to it. I could have been sagacious and obscure on many occasions, with very little difficulty; but I strenuously combated every inclination to find out more than my author meant.

The general character of this translation, if I do not deceive myself, will be found to be plainness; and, indeed, the highest praise to which I aspire, is that of having left the original more intelligible to the English reader than I found it. On numbering the lines, I find that my translation contains a few less than Dryden's. Had it been otherwise, I should [Pg xxxvi] not have thought an apology necessary, nor would it perhaps appear extraordinary, when it is considered that I have introduced an infinite number of circumstances from the text, which he thought himself justified in omitting; and that, with the trifling exceptions already mentioned, nothing has been passed; whereas he and his assistants overlooked whole sections, and sometimes very considerable ones.

Of the "borrowed learning of notes," which Dryden says he avoided as much as possible, I have amply availed myself. During the long period in which my thoughts were fixed on Juvenal, it was usual with me, whenever I found a passage that related to him, to impress it on my memory, or to note it down. These, on the revision of the work for publication, were added to such reflections as arose in my own mind, and arranged in the manner in which they now appear. I confess that this was not an unpleasant task to me, and I will venture to hope, that if my own suggestions fail to please, yet the frequent recurrence of some of the most striking and beautiful passages of ancient and modern poetry, history, etc.

The information insinuated into the mind by miscellaneous collections of this nature, is much greater than is usually imagined; and I have been frequently encouraged to proceed by recollecting the benefits which I formerly derived from casual notices scattered over the margin, or dropped at the bottom of a page. In this compilation, I proceeded on no regular plan, farther than considering what, if I had been a mere English reader, I should wish to have had explained: it is therefore extremely probable, as every rule of this nature must be imperfect, that I have frequently erred; have spoken where I should be silent and been prolix where I should be brief: on the whole, however, I chose to offend on the safer side; and to leave nothing [Pg xxxvii] unsaid, at the hazard of sometimes saying too much.

Tedious, perhaps, I may be; but, I trust, not dull; and with this negative commendation I must be satisfied.


The passages produced are not always translated; but the English reader needs not for that be discouraged in proceeding, as he will frequently find sufficient in the context to give him a general idea of the meaning. I have now said all that occurs to me on this subject: a more pleasing one remains. I can not, indeed, like Dryden, boast of my poetical coadjutors. No Congreves and Creeches have abridged, while they adorned, my labors; yet have I not been without assistance, and of the most valuable kind. Whoever is acquainted with the habits of intimacy in which I have lived from early youth with the Rev.

Ireland, [31] will not want to be informed of his share in the following pages. To those who are not, it is proper to say, that besides the passages in which he is introduced by name, every other part of the work has been submitted to his inspection. Nor would his affectionate anxiety for the reputation of his friend suffer any part of the translation to appear, without undergoing the strictest revision.

His uncommon accuracy, judgment, and learning have been uniformly exerted on it, not less, I am confident, to the advantage of the reader, than to my own satisfaction. It will be seen that we sometimes differ in opinion; but as I usually distrust my own judgment in those cases, the decision is submitted to the reader. I have also to express my obligations to Abraham Moore, Esq. Nor must I overlook the friendly assistance of William Porden, Esq. A paper was put into my hand by Mr. George Nicol, the promoter of every literary work, from R. Knight, Esq. As these did not fall within my plan, I can only here return him my thanks for a kindness as extraordinary as it was unexpected.

But I have other and greater obligations to Mr. In conjunction with his son, Mr. William Nicol, he has watched the progress of this work through the press with unwearied solicitude. During my occasional absences from town, the correction of it for which, indeed, the state of my eyes renders me at all times rather unfit rested almost solely on him; and it is but justice to add, that his habitual accuracy in this ungrateful employ is not the only quality to which I am bound to confess my obligations.

In this sense it was applied to the lanx or charger, in which the various productions of the soil were offered up to the gods; and thus came to be used for any miscellaneous collection in general. This deduction of the name may serve to explain, in some measure, the nature of the first Satires, which treated of various subjects, and were full of various matters: but enough on this trite topic.

The old Satire, amid much coarse ribaldry, frequently attacked the follies and vices of the day. This could not be done by the comedy which superseded it, and which, by a strange perversity of taste, was never rendered national. Its customs, manners, nay, its very plots, were Grecian; and scarcely more applicable to the Romans than to us. Here the matter would seem to be at once determined by a very competent judge. Strip the old Greek comedy of its action, and change the metre from Iambic to Heroic, and you have the Roman Satire!

It is evident from this, that, unless two things be granted, first, that the actors in those ancient Satires were ignorant of the existence of the Greek comedy; and, secondly, that Ennius, who knew it well, passed it by for a ruder model; the Romans can have no pretensions to the honor they claim. And even if this be granted, the honor appears to be scarcely worth the claiming; for the Greeks had not only Dramatic, but Lyric and Heroic Satire. These little pieces were made up of passages from various poems, which by slight alterations were humorously or satirically applied at will. The Satires of Ennius were probably little more; indeed, we have the express authority of Diomedes the grammarian for it.

After speaking of Lucilius, whose writings he derives, with Horace, from the old comedy, he adds, "et olim carmen, quod ex variis poematibus constabat, satira vocabatur; quale scripserunt Pacuvius et Ennius. It would scarcely be doing justice, however, to Ennius, to suppose that he did not surpass his models, for, to say the truth, the Greek Silli appear to have been no very extraordinary performances. A few short specimens of them may be seen in Diogenes Laertius, and a longer one, which has escaped the writers on this subject, in Dio Chrysostom. As this is, perhaps, the only Greek Satire extant, it may be regarded as a curiosity; and as such, for as a literary effort it is worth nothing, a short extract from it may not be uninteresting.

Sneering at the people of Alexandria, for their mad attachment to chariot-races, etc. Indeed, he was not happy; in the country he sighs for the town, in town for the country; and he is always restless, and straining after something which he never obtains. To float, like Aristippus, with the stream, is a bad recipe for felicity; there must be some fixed principle, by which the passions and desires may be regulated. Though this may not be strictly true, it is yet probable that politics furnished but a small part of their conversation.

That both Augustus and his minister were warmly attached to him, can not be denied; but then it was as to a plaything. Drummond has given this passage with equal elegance and truth:. Most of those, he says, distinguished for talents or rank, took refuge in the school of Zeno; not so much to learn in it how to live, as how to die. I think, on the contrary, that this would rather have driven them into the arms of Epicurus.

It would not be difficult to show, if this were the place for it, that the prevalency of Stoicism was due to the increase of profligacy, for which it furnished a convenient cloak. This, however, does not apply to Persius. What liberty was destroyed by the usurpation of Augustus? For more than half a century, Rome had been a prey to ambitious chiefs, while five or six civil wars, each more bloody than the other, had successively delivered up the franchises of the empire to the conqueror of the day. The Gracchi first opened the career to ambition, and wanted nothing but the means of corruption, which the East afterward supplied, to effect what Marius, Sylla, and the two triumvirates brought about with sufficient ease.

It looks as if Dusaulx had leaped from the times of old Metellus to those of Augustus, without casting a glance at the interval. The "torrens dicendi copia" was his, in an eminent degree; nay, so full, so rich, so strong, and so magnificent is his eloquence, that I have heard one well qualified to judge, frequently declare that Cicero himself, in his estimation, could hardly be said to surpass him.

In apologizing for his translation, he says: "As for publishing poetry, it needs no defense; there being, if my Lord of Verulam's judgment shall be admitted, 'a divine rapture in it! Indeed, Dryden himself, though confessedly aware of its impropriety, is not altogether free from "innovation;" he talks of the Park, and the Mall, and the Opera, and of many other objects, familiar to the translator, but which the original writer could only know by the spirit of prophecy.

I am sensible how difficult it is to keep the manners of different ages perfectly distinct in a work like this: I have never knowingly confounded them, and, I trust, not often inadvertently; yet more occasions perhaps of exercising the reader's candor will appear, after all, than are desirable. The peculiarity of Juvenal, he says vol. His imitation of the tenth still more beautiful as a poem has scarcely a trait of the author's manner—that is to say, of that "mixture of gayety and stateliness," which, according to his own definition, constitutes the "peculiarity of Juvenal.

The first Satire appears, from internal evidence, to have been written subsequently to at least the larger portion of the other Satires. But in this, as probably in many others, lines were interpolated here and there, at a period long after the original composition of the main body of the Satire; the cycle of events reproducing such a combination of circumstances, that the Satirist could make his shafts come home with two-fold pungency.

For instance, the lines 60 et seq. It is impossible, therefore, from any one given passage, to assign a date to any of the Satires of Juvenal. All that can be done, is to point out the allusion probably intended in the [Pg l] particular passages, and by that means fix a date prior to which we may reasonably conclude that portion could not have been written.

In those Satires whose subject is less complicated and extensive, a nearer approximation may be obtained to the date of the composition; as e. But in the first Satire, the allusions extend over so wide a period, that unless we may suppose, as in the case just cited, that other persons are intended under the names known to history, to whom his readers would apply immediately the covert sarcasm, we can hardly imagine that they could all at any one given time serve to give point to the shaft of the Satirist.

Thus Crispinus, mentioned l. The barber alluded to in l. Massa and Carus l. Again, line 49 seems to refer to the condemnation of Marius as a recent event; but this took place in A. And in that same year M. Cornelius Fronto was consul with Trajan; and may have been the proprietor of the plane-groves, mentioned l. But then, again, we hear of Julius Fronto in A. We may therefore offer the conjecture, that the first Satire was written shortly after the year A. The second Satire was, in all probability, the first written.

And this date will correspond with the other references in the Satire by which an approximation to the time of its composition may be obtained. This connection was continued for some years. Shortly after the death of Julia, the Vestal virgin Cornelia was buried alive, A. These are alluded to as recent events l. Agricola, too, the conqueror of Britain, died A. We may therefore conjecture that the Satire was composed between the years A.

The third Satire may perhaps have been written in the reign of Domitian, and may refer to the general departure of men of worth from Rome, when Domitian expelled the philosophers, A. Umbritius, who predicted the murder of Galba, A. The nightly deeds of violence perpetrated by Nero would have been still fresh in men's memories l. Still there are other parts of the Satire that seem to bear evidence of a later date.

It was not till A. The great influx of foreigners into Rome, in the train of Hadrian, at a still later date, A. See Chronology. We may therefore consider it probable that the main body of the Satire was written toward the close of the reign of Domitian, and received additions in the commencement of the reign of Hadrian.

The fourth Satire in all probability describes a real event; [Pg lii] and would have possessed but little interest after any great lapse of time, subsequent to the fact described. We may therefore fairly assign it to the early part of Nerva's reign, very shortly after the death of Domitian, which is mentioned at the close of the Satire.

The fifth Satire contains nothing by which we can determine the date. From Juvenal's hatred of Domitian, we may suppose that l. If the Aurelia l. There is little doubt that considerable portions of the sixth Satire were written in the reign of Trajan. The lines describe exactly the events which took place at Antioch, in A. The coins of Trajan of the year A.