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See all 2 brand new listings. In every major city I attempted to locate feminist networks, and through these networks had some measure of success in locating women willing to share their experiences of shielding. These Jungian analyses are brought into a Christian context through evaluation of existing feminine spiritual models and constructs within the Church.
Rosemary Radford Ruether represents mainstream feminist theologians who are attempting to formulate tenable positions for women remaining in the Church. In the concluding chapters, the experiences shared by shield-building women outside the Church are interwoven with Native American traditions, Jungian interpretation, and the voices of women seeking change in the Church from within, to create a psycho-spiritual feminist critique. The neglect of feminine aspects of Being in the Church is central among the concerns of women leaving the Church. It is the feminine face of the Holy that the women interviewed for this research are seeking in the pathways of Native America.
The message conveyed by these women is clear: if they cannot find affirmation of their feminine being in the Church—along with the cleansing of patriarchal and institutional abuses—the Church can never speak with the voice of the Holy for them. The Jungian journey of individuation and a Native American understanding of the cosmos provide the structure for the concluding discussion of changes needed in the Church.
Both movements have been neglected within the Church. The cross of Christ can be the intersection of those two movements and the fulfillment of them both—for women and men—if they can see with the transformative vision of the risen Christ. One central aspect of the mission of the Church at the beginning of the new millennium is the recovery of its vision of wholeness—the web of life—exemplified in this study by the Native American medicine wheel, which encloses the cross of the four directions in the circle of All- That-Is.
Berkhofer, Jr. Knopf, , p. B, pp. New Age seekers have looked into every available religious tradition for nuggets of insight that could enrich their spiritual experience. New Age networks commonly embrace experiential spirituality of all kinds, as well as conservationist causes, new sensory technologies, and return- to-the-Earth groups. Fascination with tangible physical objects and a leaning toward belief in a non-specific spiritual reality pervading all of life is the norm. Accordingly, Native American spirituality—as well as indigenous spirituality from other continents—has become a rich resource for New Age innovators.
The term became further diluted as its popularity increased, until today it often suggests little more than a person in touch with and utilizing the power of elemental spirits of the universe. In Joan Halifax introduced the term to a broad readership in her Shamanic Voices. Bataille and Kathleen Mullen Sands, eds.
The Goddess as a focus for feminist spirituality emerged into the popular eye during this period. She took various forms, usually drawn from European traditions. Its adherents are not organized. The ceremonial brew may be seasoned with Native American rituals or. In the years since its emergence as a contemporary American phenomenon, shamanism has experienced an explosion of popularity among women on spiritual pilgrimage. Native American traditions remain popular among shamanic possibilities for Euro-American women.
Most practicable examples of Native American religious rituals have been absorbed into neo-shamanism, as it has come to be known. Native American Response. Take heed guard your secrets bury your treasures well, your knives, your crystals, your feathers and shells. All your sacred things. Gary Doore Boston: Shambhala Publishers, , pp. Gary Doore.
They find themselves described as a vanishing people, when in fact their numbers are increasing steadily. Hardly was the ban on their own free exercise of traditional rituals lifted when White America moved in to appropriate them. Native Americans appear to divide into two camps over this issue. Beth Brant Ithaca: Firebrand Books, , p.
A, pp. Others want to learn what our elders know. Our ceremonies and our religion are not for sale. Lynn Andrews has become the most visible target for charges of abuse. Native Americans are justifiably impatient with spiritual seekers who look for private answers in the scattered traditions of indigenous cultures without showing any concern for the pressing needs of the contemporary guardians of these traditions.
Shields in Anthropological Accounts The exact traditional uses and significance of shields among Native American peoples are difficult to establish. Contemporary teachers of Native American shield lore in neo-shamanic groups are as personally creative or as traditionally conservative in their explanations as their personal preference dictates. Recent feminist critiques,41 developments in anthropology,42 and critiques from Native Americans43 have exposed considerable bias and oversight in anthropological reports, leaving the way open to many new explanations.
With few exceptions, early anthropologists studying Native American cultures were men. Hartman and L. William C. Sturtevant Washington, D. Apart from being characterized by cultural bias, Native American anthropological data also depend for accuracy on the openness of informants communicating material.
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Her reticence had been voiced by another Wintu shaman in a dream song recorded by ethnographers more than forty years ago: When Red Cane [white man] comes, We Wintu shall forget our songs. A possibility also exists that forms evolving since the reservation period may now be considered traditional by Native Americans themselves; but separation of newer traditions from older ones by outside observers is particularly futile when original traditions are shrouded in intentional reticence. Most traditional Native American spirituality has been characterized by 46 Patricia C.
Patricia C. Albers and Beatrice Medicine Washington, D. Changes in pre-reservation forms are often indications of spiritual vitality, just as strict adherence to traditional forms may indicate a deadening worship of the past. Medicine [was a] power object [the warrior] wore in his hair, around his neck, or as a design painted upon his body or shield.
This is misleading on several accounts. Although shields from other peoples, notably the Puebloans, were frequently painted with images intended to summon spiritual protection, the sources of the images, the process of decoration, and their significance all varied widely. Second, not all shields were spiritually empowered: some were strictly for defense. Further, the stereotypical medicine shield of the Plains is a war shield, and although the data are sparse, there is reason to believe that shields served a variety of functions besides protection in war.
War is also a public activity—often the first activity between Europeans and Native Americans, so it is not surprising that most European records refer only to Native American war shields. A modern folklorist made the following observation: [Nineteenth century ethnologists tended] to regard the war-like actions of the various communities as the outstanding psychological concern and interest for Europeans in an era that had hardly ceased its aggressive and militant oppression of Native American peoples.
The military aspects of Indian life were given an outstanding place in much ethnography. Ancient petroglyphs in hundreds of sites throughout the western United Stares are the earliest evidence modern observers possess of the use of shields in Native American pre-history. Anthropological studies document the existence of war shields in most of North America, although not in all cultural groups. Algonquians of the Atlantic Coastal areas and tribes of the Iroquois League used wooden or bark shields.
The Basin and Plateau peoples carried heavy rawhide discs into battle, sometimes painted with designs. Sturtevant Washington D. According to Wallis and Titiev, Hopi warriors made their own shields, often using protective designs identical to those found in kiva paintings and on kachinas. The shields most familiar to modern America evolved in the Plains after Europeans arrived on the continent. The familiar nomads of the eighteenth and nineteenth century Plains culture were predominantly eastern groups pushed west by the pressure of land-hungry Europeans.
Whatever shields the newcomers to the Plains had used before the horse, large shields were an encumbrance in mounted warfare. Plains horse shields were circular, made of thickened buffalo hide on a frame inches in diameter. Their small size made them easily 59Nancy J. Parezo, Kelley A. Hays, and Barbara F. See Appendix C, Fig They proved to be reliable protection against arrows and spear thrusts, but considerably less effective against later European firearms.
Plains cultures held in common the basic conception of a power underlying the universe and shared to some degree by all beings, some of whom were more powerful than others. Various spirit beings populated the world and generally had access to greater power than did merely physical beings. Spirit beings could be encountered in special dreams and visions and sometimes would extend their protection and power to human supplicants.
They could take the forms of almost any animal, celestial being, or force of nature. Vision quests typically provided the setting for such visions through isolation, fasting, and self-torture, although specially gifted persons might receive visions unsought. Young men, however, were under particular pressure to acquire a medicine of their own, since a man going into battle without one was at great risk.
A truly significant vision gave a person a song, a power, and specific instructions for a power object or bundle. Many groups allowed only spiritually gifted older men to paint shield designs; in some cases they were the only ones to dream designs as well. In other cases a warrior might dream and paint his shield himself. They can conduct power for the reverent if all rituals are observed and all conditions met.
Unambiguous references to such shields are rare even among descriptions of western Native American groups. Ferberger and Frank G. See Appendix C, fig Clark, , , Catlin described the Mandans of the Mississippi Valley using shields to influence weather. Each one. Catlin is probably describing a Mandan mindset that assumed a more generalized usefulness for the medicine power of a shield than just protection in battle. The Hopi and some of their Puebloan neighbors have tiny netted shields, sometimes associated with tiny bows and arrows, known as rain wheels or rain sieves, believed to encourage the gods to drop rain through them.
A similar netted 73 Catlin, Letters, vol. Unfortunately, this author cites no sources for this unusual reference. Appleton and Co. Few examples remain of such shields, and little information about them. They may, as is possible with weather shields, be medicine shields considered powerful outside the arena of warfare. The issue of dance shields as a separate category is again an ambiguous one. There is no more reason to suppose that these shields were specially intended for dancing than were the lances, guns, and clubs.
Wright notes the continued existence of this dance among a number of the Pueblos. Plaited yucca is coiled and attached to a wooden rim, with ritual objects attached on the back. The Ghost Dance religion83 had swept through the western reservations although with few adherents among Southwest desert groups , and 76 Frank Hamilton Cushing, The Mythic World of the Zuni, ed. These shields had Ute designs painted on them and were made of stretched cloth. One source describes shields whose specific purpose is guarding the home: The entire seven shields were reproduced by him from the dream.
His implication seems to be the latter. Shields in myth. Southwestern mythology is rich in shield imagery. Because their mesa-top homes isolated them from much European influence, and their cultures enjoyed centuries of more or less continuous evolution, Zuni and Hopi myth structures are especially intact: both describe the sun as a shining golden shield carried by Sun Father, or Tawa. See Appendix C, fig. Curtis, The North American Indian, vol. They could float swiftly in any direction, and make the Twins invisible when sitting beneath them. Today tiny copies of these netted shields can be found at many shrines connected with the War Gods.
They ordained the Priesthood of the Bow among the Zuni to shield the people from harm and to command the powers of war. Their shields thenceforth were thickly woven rather than webbed. The ubiquitous Plains medicine shield was present in ritual as in many other areas. It was used as a divinatory tool for success in war.
It included 7 lightweight shields painted with faces and held up before the personators on wooden slats. This object, which the Twins derived from their grandmother, the Spider Woman in Hopi myth , is naturally employed, with or without the bows or darts, as a protective amulet. The hoop or ring stands as the feminine symbol, as opposed to the darts or arrows, which are masculine. The implements of the game together represent the shield and bow or darts of the War Gods.
It was credited at times with protecting a whole group from bullets and was thought powerful enough to hide the whole tribe from its enemies as if under a fog. Women routinely bore responsibility for the daily care and transport of shields, and for the strict avoidance of them during menstruation.
This shield is called. Details concerning these women are scarce. Powell, Sweet Medicine, vol. The shield may also refer to a similar story of a Hopi maiden who fought as a warrior with her hair half-done when enemies attacked unexpectedly. Walker, Lakota Belief and Ritual, ed. Raymond J. DeMallie and Elaine A. Jahner Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, , p.
These were the first medicine shields among the Blackfoot. Army or gradually lost, stolen, sold, or buried with its owners. The urgent need for war shields was past. Reservation constraints limited the hunting a man could do, and the buffalo were gone. Alternate raw materials for shields were scarce. Ghost dance shields and later dance shields of cloth and deer hide were fairly common through the nineteenth century. Shields then had a broader protective quality in a spiritual, not just a military, sense.
A warrior made his shield according to tradition. Speck and Royal B. Clifford E. Trafzer Sacramento: Sierra Oaks Pub, , p. These are the shields most frequently found among powwow dancers. Wright comments, however, that with the renewed interest in Native American Art, much better quality shields are appearing. Both neo-shamanic and Native American writers have entered the marketplace readily, seizing this moment of popularity while it lasts. Native Americans attempting to share this heritage with the dominant society speak frequently of the pain they experience in conflicts over this issue.
Those selected for discussion here present traditions that focus specifically on shields. Amylee is the last of many generations of Iroquois women to follow the medicine path. Each mother in her lineage handed the traditions to her daughter, beginning in a time now lost to memory. According to Amylee, it was foretold that she would give this wisdom to many people, not to a daughter of her own. Some of these Medicine Wheels dance together to create shields.
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These are shields that some would call etheric shields; then there are physical shields. Our corneas are shields, our skin is a shield. Sometimes shields are mirrors. For these women, the shields express an intention—stronger than a hope—for their future lives. They work individually throughout a year with materials sent from Amylee; then Amylee meets with the women by regions to build physical shields, using wood and hide. They are demanding, and they want attention. After a time of the woman taking care of the shield, the shield begins to take care of the woman.
Protection in combat, success in the hunt, success in lovemaking and mate selection, protection from evil-doing, and success in visions and dreams were major petitions and were reflected in the symbols on the Sioux shields. It can reflect the personal uniqueness of the individual who bears it, often beginning with his or her name. According to McGaa, there is no longer any right or wrong way to make a shield, since it is primarily a symbol of self.
Brooke Medicine Eagle grew up on the Crow reservation and is on their tribal rolls, although she carries the bloodlines of many groups, including Crow, Nez Perce, Sioux, and European. Her traditional training began with the Cheyenne and has expanded over the years to include an eclectic mix of traditional peoples: I am a mixed blood, a metis. This has been both a challenge and a gift. Spiritual elders have indicated to me that I will never have a traditional form—that mine will be a formless form that breaks through form into Spirit.
She gives summer wilderness retreats in the Montana mountains, mainly for women, where she provides opportunities for guided personal and spiritual growth. During one summer camp each year she teaches shield-making, although shields are not a central focus for her work.
Women Ibid. Scott Momaday. Better known as a poet and novelist, Kiowa author N. They are flags.
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Personal flags. Like other masks, it bespeaks sacred mystery. You behold my shield, and you are transfixed or transformed, perhaps inspired beyond your imagining. Nothing will ever be the same again, for you have entered into the presence of my power. The shield is involved in story. The shield is its own story. The story tells of your real being. And the shields are meditations that make a round of life.
These shield stories are meant to be told aloud. Women figured significantly in these shield stories, as shield owners and shield dreamers, as well as spiritual beings who gave shield visions to men. Woodard, Ancestral Voice: Conversations with N. Jamie Sams, a metis from the Seneca-Choctaw people, is the author of two decks of Native American cards, as well as books on Native American spirituality. According to Sams, who cites a very broad range of Native American groups as her sources, both men and women made personal shields that spoke of their inner truth.
A vision experience described in her first book tells of her past life as a Plains Indian woman, taking part in a marriage ceremony in which personal shields played a significant role. Warriors made Sun Dance Shields to show commitment and goals. In moon lodges women made shields never shown to men.
In times of uncertainty, a Medicine Shield is a source of comfort, a source of protection from fear, and a reminder of the serenity of centered knowingness and connection. To balance the energy of uncertainty, the shield is meditated upon by its maker. In channeling, a human being experiences him- or herself as opening to a beneficent spiritual entity which may have existed physically in a past time on the Earth or may never have been physically embodied at all.
The truth needs no explanation, just reflection. He has struggled all his life with perceived prejudice from full-bloods against mixed-bloods like himself. It came under fire from anthropologists at the time of its publication largely because the Cheyenne society it described—including shield traditions—differed radically from anthropological data.
Seven Arrows is a religious statement, not a statement about religion. The Brotherhood of the Shields, whose membership crossed tribal lines and whose path was peace—the Sun Dance Way—led the people by consent. The shields of the Brotherhood were statements of personal identity and dedication to peace. Peace Ibid. Moore, book review of Seven Arrows, American Anthropologist, 75 , Children also had shields.
These shields were never intended to give physical protection in battle. His shield material is accurate. SwiftDeer is part Cherokee, and holds a PhD in psychology, and an honorary divinity degree. Unlike other leaders discussed here, he does not publish his materials; they are reserved for the Tribe. Membership in his Tribe is long-term, time-consuming, and demanding. His group techniques include strong psychological and physical peer pressure, and sometimes ridicule. His material comes from many world religions, and from the Grandmothers who safeguard Cherokee tradition.
Shields can be a couple of different things. And teachings can be your shield against the world—in Christianity it Ibid. Native American shields are popular items in souvenir shops across the western United States. Cards explaining the hoops as house-blessing shields hang with the price tags, claiming traditional and current authenticity. These claims may be reasonably accurate, at least in relation to their traditional basis. Scattered items exist in anthropological sources to suggest the existence of such shields, and contemporary neo-shamanic sources assume their existence.
During my personal research, an informant showed me a beautifully crafted shield, 30 inches in diameter, woven from brightly dyed wool in a complex circular pattern, through webbing, much like a plaque in design. In the center was a painted circle enclosing a tipi and other symbols. A Navajo woman had made it for her as a holy gift to bless her home and protect her. Native Americans had shields for all kinds of things—blessings, good fortune, marriage, commemoration of significant people and events and so forth. It resembles a spider web woven on a hoop of twigs, and is almost identical to the small webbed hoops on Zuni and Hopi shrines for the Twin War Gods.
Small dreamcatchers are sold as earrings, larger ones as mobiles and wall- hangings. Hobday describes their origin: Dreamcatchers started with a couple of desert tribes. The idea for the dreamcatcher was given in a dream. You hang it in your bedroom, and it catches your good dreams and lets the bad ones go. What is important for this study is the conventional wisdom circulating in the neo-shamanic community, regardless of its historical accuracy. When the Indian people go to the springs to draw, the water is foul. It is hurtful to see whites take our sacred objects, our holy rituals, and our religious symbols and use them as their own.
White people are playing at being Indians. The traditions appeal to them because they are new and different, but they are still the same people, and they are not hiding from the eye of God. Indians believe bad things will result from the misuse of ceremony or ceremonies done in the wrong way.
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Their most common response was that it would depend on the person and the sincerity of her motives. The following women represent a sampling of neo-shamanic teachers, artists and counselors offering their art and services to others. Because of the focus of this study, only women actively involved in shield-making are included. Some chose to remain anonymous and have been given alternate names. Lynn Andrews is the author of many popular neo- shamanic books. These books purport to describe her own experiences, beginning in , under the tutelage of two old medicine women among the Canadian Cree, Agnes Whistling Elk and Ruby Plenty Chiefs.
She claims to speak with authority as a spokesperson for a secret international society of female shamans, the Sisterhood of the Shields. As a result, Andrews has retreated from public view, refusing to discuss any of these issues. It is a power the world has forgotten. Men are interlopers. Woman is the flowering tree. You are the Don Johnson, Sioux university professor, conversation with author, San Francisco area powwow, June 15, Gordon Melton Detroit: Gale Research, , p.
You must relearn this and build up your strength. There are shields with so much power they will bring victory in battle. There are truth shields. They stand as a record of who you are in the world in all your aspects—mental, emotional, physical, and spiritual.
They stand for your sacredness within. Each shield is a medicine wheel in itself as well as a position on the larger wheel. The ultimate source of these shield traditions is an interplanetary spiritual continuum of love and healing, focused somewhere among the Pleiades. She belongs to a local lodge of white women practicing Native Andrews, Medicine, p. Andrews, talk given at Joshua Tree, California, May 30, Her techniques are a unique blend of various sources of information and her own ideas.
DeVore has been making shields for about 10 years, ever since a visionary experience stimulated her desire to study them. She makes shields for herself, on commission for others, and directs shielding workshops. She is quite open about her desire to profit from her work; she raised workshop rates after I commented on their reasonableness.
For the Native peoples a power and food animal is a god animal; a loss of any one of these animals is a great loss for us, a loss of a direct line to powers greater than ourselves. Based on that training, she now teaches others the art of shield-making. She is eclectic in orientation and uses many shamanic techniques in her work.
She focuses on Native American traditions, although she pursues any appealing shamanic forms. In her work Sarah offers sweats, vision quests, and shield-making as therapeutic experiences, in addition to more conventional therapy. She sees shields as a focus of real power for a woman, as well as a statement of her identity. As an urban shaman, she does not feel constrained to use traditional materials for the shields, and feels that her fees are an appropriate energy exchange, since she makes her living from her work.
She was taught by Evelyn Eaton and an old Native American woman, who gave her permission to share their teachings. She is very careful not to violate Native American ethics by selling medicine. She only charges for her materials and expenditure; the rest is her giveaway. Rosemary will suggest shield-making for students in whom she perceives a need for protection and inner strength, but shields can be made for almost any reason.
It can display your power or gather power in. It can mark your path on the medicine wheel. She is not a licensed or academically trained therapist, but she uses many techniques of expressive therapy. She offers teaching, counseling, and therapy for adults and children, one-to-one, group, and family. She uses shield-making as a process of self discovery and growth, as a means of overcoming obstacles, sharpening insight, and clarifying relationships.
Clients can bring their own materials or choose from what she has available to make their shields. She usually suggests an embroidery hoop for the frame, and hides, fur, and feathers for at least some of the face. They are more interested in abstracting an essence, a life stance, and rituals meaningful to themselves from which to build their own spiritual practice. This concept of separating spirituality from the culture in which it lives is unique to the Western mindset, and those attempting such spiritual grafting leave themselves open to a variety of legitimate questions from their critics.
Many women are acutely conscious of this issue and make active efforts to validate their religious choice. The following discussion provides a very brief digest of Native American spirituality as the Euro- American women who practice it understand it. Above all else, these women experience Native American spirituality as reverence for the Earth and for all living creatures, claiming oneness with all life and equality with all living beings. A myriad of ritual practices, rich in paraphernalia, integrate physical with spiritual in an intensely participatory fashion. Finally, this is a spiritual stance that takes responsibility for the rights and needs of others and for personal wrongdoing without creating excessive guilt and shame.
Many women are on the defensive now about their participation in Native American spirituality because of criticism by Native Americans. I do the best that I can, and I proceed in trust and innocence. That is my path of heart. The ethnic limitation was set in order to establish the rudiments of a homogeneous population.
This limitation was probably unnecessary, since very few women of other ethnic backgrounds participated in the workshops: there were no African Americans, and only a few scattered participants from other groups—Asian, Near Eastern, and Latin and Native American. Thirty-five women were interviewed in the context of shield-making workshops, and five through other contacts.
Of the 40 women interviewed, 29 were ages ; the other 11 were from 70 years old. Nineteen were single and never married; six of these were quite open about their Lesbian orientation, and one had a child. Nine women were married, all with children. Three were widowed and nine divorced, most with children. All those interviewed were either working or retired.
Fifteen women were raised Catholic and 25 Protestant. Of these 40 women, seven still thought of themselves as Christian, but only three ever attended church anymore, one of whom was on leave from a protestant pastorate. Three women had been nuns. When doing interviews I worked from a prepared questionnaire. In many cases women mailed taped interviews back to me after doing them alone from the printed questionnaire. When circumstances did not permit taping, or the person was uncomfortable with the idea, I made a written record of the interview immediately after its completion, working for verbatim accuracy.
The Lynn Andrews workshop was a particularly difficult environment for taping interviews, partly because of the highly structured time and constant crowds of people. There was also a defensive quality among some of the participants that discouraged openness, possibly because of the frequent criticisms Andrews had received in the press. One unexpected factor that also limited interviews was the time and energy demanded by my participatory role in the workshops.
Shield-making can be an intense inwardly-focused experience, often dealing with powerful psychic material that demands personal time and attention. Doing justice to the participatory role necessarily, and rightfully, placed limits on my role as observer. The following pages present a brief overview of the unique characteristics of the four shield-making workshops I attended. The knowledge within the sisterhood. It has been characterized variously as a creative illness, a descent into the underworld, a bout with insanity, a narcissistic self-deification, a transcendence, a midlife breakdown and an inner disturbance mirroring the upheaval of World War I.
Whatever the case, in , Jung, who was then 38, got lost in the soup of his own psyche. Had he been a psychiatric patient, Jung might well have been told he had a nervous disorder and encouraged to ignore the circus going on in his head. But as a psychiatrist, and one with a decidedly maverick streak, he tried instead to tear down the wall between his rational self and his psyche.
For about six years, Jung worked to prevent his conscious mind from blocking out what his unconscious mind wanted to show him. Jung recorded it all. First taking notes in a series of small, black journals, he then expounded upon and analyzed his fantasies, writing in a regal, prophetic tone in the big red-leather book. The book detailed an unabashedly psychedelic voyage through his own mind, a vaguely Homeric progression of encounters with strange people taking place in a curious, shifting dreamscape. Writing in German, he filled oversize pages with elaborate calligraphy and with richly hued, staggeringly detailed paintings.
What he wrote did not belong to his previous canon of dispassionate, academic essays on psychiatry. Nor was it a straightforward diary. It did not mention his wife, or his children, or his colleagues, nor for that matter did it use any psychiatric language at all. It was this last part — the idea that a person might move beneficially between the poles of the rational and irrational, the light and the dark, the conscious and the unconscious — that provided the germ for his later work and for what analytical psychology would become. The book tells the story of Jung trying to face down his own demons as they emerged from the shadows.
The results are humiliating, sometimes unsavory. In it, Jung travels the land of the dead, falls in love with a woman he later realizes is his sister, gets squeezed by a giant serpent and, in one terrifying moment, eats the liver of a little child. He worked on his red book — and he called it just that, the Red Book — on and off for about 16 years, long after his personal crisis had passed, but he never managed to finish it.
He actively fretted over it, wondering whether to have it published and face ridicule from his scientifically oriented peers or to put it in a drawer and forget it. Regarding the significance of what the book contained, however, Jung was unequivocal. When he died in , he left no specific instructions about what to do with it. Later, in , the family transferred it to the bank, where since then it has fulminated as both an asset and a liability.
Anytime someone did ask to see the Red Book, family members said, without hesitation and sometimes without decorum, no. The book was private, they asserted, an intensely personal work. The question was met with a vehemence that surprised him. If you happen to have a conversation with him anytime before, say, 10 a. At his house in a leafy suburb of Philadelphia, Martin keeps five thick books filled with notations on and interpretations of all the dreams he had while studying to be an analyst 30 years ago in Zurich, under the tutelage of a Swiss analyst then in her 70s named Liliane Frey-Rohn.
Even as some of his peers in the Jungian world are cautious about regarding Carl Jung as a sage — a history of anti-Semitic remarks and his sometimes patriarchal views of women have caused some to distance themselves — Martin is unapologetically reverential. The first time I met him, at the train station in Ardmore, Pa.
The room was cozy and cavelike, with a thick rug and walls painted a deep, handsome shade of blue. There was a Mission-style sofa and two upholstered chairs and an espresso machine in one corner. Several mounted vintage posters of Zurich hung on the walls, along with framed photographs of Carl Jung, looking wise and white-haired, and Liliane Frey-Rohn, a round-faced woman smiling maternally from behind a pair of severe glasses.
Martin tenderly lifted several first-edition books by Jung from a shelf, opening them so I could see how they had been inscribed to Frey-Rohn, who later bequeathed them to Martin. Martin pointed. In addition to practicing as an analyst, Martin is the director of the Philemon Foundation, which focuses on preparing the unpublished works of Carl Jung for publication, with the Red Book as its central project.
He has spent the last several years aggressively, sometimes evangelistically, raising money in the Jungian community to support his foundation. The relationship between the Jungs and the people who are inspired by Jung is, almost by necessity, a complex symbiosis.
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Will it disappoint? Will it inspire? How could it not? Shamdasani is He has thick black hair, a punctilious eye for detail and an understated, even somnolent, way of speaking. He is friendly but not particularly given to small talk. Both of these qualities make him, at times, awkward company among both Jungians and Jungs.
One side works to extract; the other to protect. One pushes; one pulls. Even against this backdrop, the Jungs, led by Ulrich Hoerni, the chief literary administrator, have distinguished themselves with their custodial vigor. Jung is portrayed. While she is in that state, a control from "the other side" takes possession of her vocal cords and sense organs.
The control is also a medium, a departed spirit who has capacities analogous to those of the psychic. Those who have "passed over" are thought to be still embodied, but their bodies are much more subtle than ours, though not perfect. Some occultists speak of the "beyond" as the "astral plane" inhabited by "astral bodies.
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Tylor in his theory of animism. There is another world parallel to our own, though invisible to us and not accessible to us in our state. However, all forms of organic life as well as inorganic matter is eternal and is translated from one sphere of reality to the other.
The connecting link is the medium , the person endowed with exceptional sensitivity to the hidden or occult dimension, who experiences visions and revelations. Spiritualism Among Civilized and Savage Races. Kessinger Publishing. It is a belief that meets us in every stage of the culture, and forms the foundation upon which the varied creeds of savage and civilised races have been reared.
Under its modern name, Spiritualism , or Spiritism , we are assured by its exponents that this spirit world can be scientifically attested, and that there exists no longer any satisfactory reason to doubt its truth. As we shall see, such manifestations are not restricted to the seances held by modern Spiritualist but form the common procedure among barbaric and civilised peoples alike.
Intelligent intercourse between these embodied or disembodied spirits is asserted to be possible by means of specially endowed persons called mediums. Geneva, The Lutheran World Federation. Gerard Tempest: Abstract spiritualism. Bergen Museum. A History and a Criticism".